The Iranian MEK in Albania: Implications and Possible Future Sectarian Divisions (aka Mojahedin Khalq, Rajavi cult)

The Iranian MEK in Albania: Implications and Possible Future Sectarian Divisions (aka Mojahedin Khalq, Rajavi cult)

Ebiu-Spahiu-BalkanalysisEbi Spahiu, Balkanalysis, March 02 2017:… Whether Albania is prepared enough to inherit a long-standing struggle between a major regional Middle Eastern power and a cult-like former terrorist organization is yet to be seen, but given Albania’s continued struggles with endemic corruption and organized crime, and the slow emergence of religious radicalization as a regional security threat, sectarian … 

مرگ مسعود رجوی تیرانا آلبانیHow much does it cost to keep Iran’s enemies in Albania?

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The Iranian MEK in Albania: Implications and Possible Future Sectarian Divisions (aka Mojahedin Khalq, Rajavi cult) 

Balkanalysis.com editor’s note: in 2013, the Obama Administration convinced Albanian authorities to take in the MEK, a former Marxist terrorist group that had been in open combat with the Islamic Republic for years. In 2016, under cover of the migration crisis and with help from the UNHCR, several hundred more of these Iranian dissidents were brought into Albania from Iraq. What could possibly go wrong? In this exclusive new analysis of a little-discussed security subject, Albanian counter-terrorism expert Ebi Spahiu analyzes the potential for future sectarian divisions and domestic and international orientations towards Albania’s newest population.

By Ebi Spahiu

Ebiu-Spahiu-BalkanalysisIn 2013, the Obama Administration struck a deal with the government of Albania to offer asylum to about 250 members of Mohajedeen-e-Khalq (MEK), an Iranian “dissident group” exiled from Iran to Iraq during the early years of Khomeini’s regime. The group was once labeled a terrorist organization by the international community due to its track record of orchestrating bombing campaigns in Iran – often targeting American offices, businesses and citizens – as well as other military operations in an attempt to oust the newly established Iranian Islamic regime in the 1970s.

Since 2013, the Obama Administration and Albanian government have extended the agreement, consequently increasing the number of asylum seekers to somewhere in the range of 500-2,000 MEK members. During the summer of 2016, Tirana received the largest contingent of about 1,900 people- an operation managed by the UNHCR.

Although most local media portray the operation and Albania’s willingness to offer assistance to the dissident group as a humanitarian mission, little discussion has been made regarding the potential implications that MEK’s presence may have for Albania in the long run, and for religious balances that have already been thrown off by Wahabbi and Salafi presence among moderate Muslim communities in recent years.

Sectarian Identities and Divides in the Context of Wahhabi Activism and Syria

Sunni-based Islamist supporters and organizations have a history of operating in Albania and throughout the Western Balkans via funding that often streams from Gulf countries which have exported Wahabbi and Salafi Islamic values and traditions, ones that were previously foreign to Albania’s majority Muslim population which still follows the Hanafi-based teachings inherited by the Ottoman Empire.

According to a Pew Research Center analysis on Albania’s Muslim population, this religious composition is reflective of centuries of religious influences, including Sufi and Shi’a traditions, attested in practices and rituals to this day. It is mainly from this long history that six in ten Muslims do not distinguish their religious affiliation in a sectarian form, such as Shi’a or Sunni, rather simply identify as “just Muslim,” according to findings by Pew.

Despite these historical legacies that have strengthened relations between religious communities, the presence of Wahhabi and Salafi groups over the years has implanted a sectarian identity regarding which most Albanian Muslim practitioners were oblivious in the past. Since the outset of the conflict in Syria, about 150 Albanian citizens and over 500 ethnic Albanians from Kosovo and Macedonia have joined terrorist organizations in Syria and Iraq, alongside then-Jabhat Al-Nusra and later IS.

Even though the number of foreign fighters has drastically decreased since 2015, threats persist from non-violent agitations and divisive narratives that continue to dominate some religious landscapes, including negative portrayal of local Bektashi communities and sectarian rifts which are becoming more pronounced among popular religious leaders.

The MEK in Albania and Sectarian Divides

Since its inception in the 1960s, the MEK has embraced Marxist ideologies and Shiite-centric Islamic values; this has distinguished the group from other Islamist terrorist organizations which have remained more focused on their sectarian identity.

Most people in Albania know little about the MEK, nor the list of other namesthe group has used to identify itself as a resistance group against Khomeini’s theocratic rule, not to mention their activities following the Iranian revolution and their exile to Iraq, where Saddam Hussein offered his support in exchange for their capacities to threaten the Iranian regime.

Over the years, the MEK has renounced all violence and developed closer relationships with officials from the American government, which later removed the group from its official list of terrorist organizations. Despite their engagement with the West, however, the group’s history of violence remains an important question often raised by Iran observers and policy-makers, who cast doubt on the group’s pledge to have renounced all forms of violence while achieving political objectives.

In 2013 this was apparent when many countries that were approached by the US government to host MEK members refused to do so, out of concern for security implications. Romania is believed to have been the US’ preferred host for the MEK, but the Romanian authorities immediately refused. Albania was therefore not the first choice for MEK relocation, but accepted due to its close relations with the US.

The type of security implications their presence may bring is yet to be assessed by Albanian policy-makers, with some speculating that the MEK will establish a base in the country’s capital, similar to that of Camp Liberty and Ashraf in Iraq, where they can access weapons and restart their political activities to bring down Iran’s regime.

Even though most MEK asylum-seekers seem to lead a quiet life in their new homes, recent events and discussion regarding the potential death of the exiled MEK leader, Massoud Rajavi, suggest that the MEK seeks to regain its political standing in opposition to Iran, and sees its members’ relocation to Albania as an opportunity to reengage as a resistance movement against Khameini’s regime, but this time away from the direct threat that Iranian proxy groups posed for them in Iraq.

The Paris Event, Albania and Possible Foreign Interests in the New Arrangement

Since their arrival in Albania, the group appears to have ramped up support in the midst of Albania’s political elite, which was highly celebrated during a congress organized by the National Council of Resistance of Iran, held in Paris this past July.

Pandeli Majko, a current Socialist MP and former Prime Minister of Albania during the war in Kosovo, accompanied by over 20 political representatives from Albania, gave an impassioned speech at the Free Iran gathering in Paris where he pledged his support for the refugees currently staying in Albania, as well as the group’s struggle to succeed in changing the regime in Iran. This has certainly angered Iranian officials who insist that the MEK seeks to exploit Albania’s geographical position in order to form a new camp there.

While Iran’s traditional rivalry with Israel might seem to indicate further activity in Albania involving the MEK, available information does not suggest any significant Israeli activity. However, a potential greater concern involves another traditional Iranian adversary – Saudi Arabia – which has been reported as giving help to the MEK. During the event in Paris, several important international figures attended and (as was reported in some anti-Western media) a Saudi government representative made a speech that pledged commitment to help out the movement in bringing down Iran’s regime.

Possible Repercussions for Albania: Sectarian Divides and Local Controversy More Likely than Larger Threats

These developments may have serious repercussions for Albania and Albanian policy-makers who may not foresee the long-term consequences of being involved in the issue, and in expanding their role on foreign policy issues beyond the small Balkan nation’s traditional reach.

Since the MEK has renounced all violence, the group does not represent an immediate threat to national security in Albania. However, it does remain an existential threat to the Iranian regime, which over the years has supported significant raids via Hezbollah and other Iranian-backed proxy groups in Iraq to destroy the organization and kill key MEK leaders. It should be remembered that the MEK was brought to Albania under agreement with the Obama Administration directly from Iraq, not from any third country.

Considering these factors, more involvement should be expected from Albanian authorities, even though there are no clear signs that Iran’s presence is increasing. It would be significantly harder for Iran to hit MEK in Albania than in its neighboring country of Iraq, though it is still possible.

Of more concern is that the MEK presence poses a risk of inflaming sectarian divides in smaller communities, a phenomenon still in its latent state among Albanian Muslims.

Several online sermons from Sunni-based religious leaders warn their followers of a Shiite presence under NGO programs that aim at recruiting young men and women to follow Quranic teachings and study programs in Iran, but there is never a mention of MEK’s presence in Albania and the role they may play.

While a serious sectarian war is farfetched at this point, there is a sectarian narrative to the issue which could be a matter of concern for the future, depending on how strong existing Islamist factions become. These include not just ISIS supporters, but also Turkish and Muslim Brotherhood supporters.

One test will be how well the government manages the MEK, their needs and political objectives. Many Albanians are worried about whether the MEK poses any immediate risk, but nobody is actually talking about Iran’s historic and cross-borders feud with the MEK, and how threatened Iran still feels by the group.

Whether Albania is prepared enough to inherit a long-standing struggle between a major regional Middle Eastern power and a cult-like former terrorist organization is yet to be seen, but given Albania’s continued struggles with endemic corruption and organized crime, and the slow emergence of religious radicalization as a regional security threat, sectarian rifts may add to the list of challenges facing Albania’s political standing. One point of controversy that has already occurred domestically is that the agreement itself is very vague; there has thus been plenty of criticism domestically over a perceived lack of transparency on the terms agreed between Albania and the US.

(END)

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Can Albania deradicalise Mojahedin Khalq Rajavi cultMassoud Khodabandeh, Huffington Post: Can Albania Meet its Obligations and De-radicalize an Influx of Terrorists into Europe? 

Mojahedin Khalq (MKO, MEK, Rajavi cult) Our Men in Iran? (Seymour M. Hersh, The New Yorker, April 2012)

مجاهدین خلق در آلبانی به جان هم افتاده اندAlbania: What would a de-radicalization program for the Mojahedin Khalq (Rajavi cult) involve

anne-khodabandeh-singleton-albanian-gazeta-impkt-2017Qytetarët shqiptarë të frikësuar nga grupi Muxhahedin Halk i radikalizuar meritojnë më shumë informacion

Anne Singleton: Key to de-radicalization of MEK hostages in Albania are their families

IMPAKT 55 – Muxhahedinet iraniane ne Shqiperi. Interviste eksluzive me Anne Singleton

https://youtu.be/8v-Q7UWfN3M

زهره قائمی فرمانده ترور صیاد شیرازیIranian resistance group MKO to move to Albania (aka Mojahedin Khalq, MEK, NCRI, …)

همکاری مافیای آلبانی و مجاهدین خلق، فرقه رجوی Iran arrests MKO (Mojahedin Khalq, MEK, NCRI, Rajavi cult …) ringleader in Isfahan

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also read:
http://iran-interlink.org/wordpress/?p=7854

Albania: Toxic Waste, Cannabis and the Iranian Mojahedin Khalq (Rajavi cult) are part of the same equation under the devilish Justice Reform 

mojahedin-khalq-terrorism-albaniaIran Interlink, Tirana, Albania, November 07 2016:… The author of this equation – as expressed in the title of the analysis – is Soros, who lobbied Washington to support this scheme, aiming to provide income to finance the activities of his Foundation in the Balkans and beyond Europe. In coming years, Albania will be known for the import of Mojahedin Khalq organisation, imported toxic waste and the mass cultivation of cannabis. Time will tell how the ‘reformed’ justice system will deal with this challenge. In conclusion, Myftaraj forecasts that Rama’s ‘Justice Reform’ will not affect the progress of this hellish business.

mojahedin-khalq-radicalisation-maryam-rajaviMojahedin khalq (MKO, MEK, Rajavi cult) the ending stage of the radicalization process

مجاهدین خلق در آلبانی به جان هم افتاده اندAlbania: What would a de-radicalization program for the Mojahedin Khalq (Rajavi cult) involve

 

http://iran-interlink.org 

Albania: Toxic Waste, Cannabis and the Iranian Mojahedin Khalq (Rajavi cult) are part of the same equation under the devilish Justice Reform

مجاهدین خلق زباله شیمیایی و مواد مخدر در آلبانی

kastriot-myftaraj-mojahedin-khalqIn October, City News published an article by Kastriot Myftaraj criticising Prime Minister Edi Rama’s Justice Reforms. The article outlines what Myftaraj calls a black market deal with Washington to bring thousands of Iranian members of the Mojahedin Khalq organisation to Albania. This is a large number in relation to Albania’s own population and its place amongst other NATO countries. What may have been profitable for some is very harmful for the country and its inhabitants.

Rama’s government is accused of covertly striking other harmful deals. First to transform the country into a large plantation of cannabis production. Second, to transform the country into a centre for processing trash and hazardous waste from Europe and beyond. Both deals earning multi-billion euros for a minority of people.

In order to push these deals, Myftaraj says Prime Minister Rama invented the idea of ‘Justice Reform’, but argues that it doesn’t take a genius to realise that ‘reformers’ of justice are not really interested in making the justice system functional or independent because if this were so, judges and prosecutors would reveal and punish the authors of the above three schemes.

An independent prosecutor would ascertain what agreement there was to allow the introduction of the Mojahedin Khalq organisation in Albania. According to Albania’s constitution, any such agreement should have been passed to Parliament for approval. An independent court, therefore, would prosecute the Prime Minister and the Minister of the Interior as criminals.

An independent prosecutor would only need to chart the chronology of events to understand the connection implicit in the title of the article. It is no coincidence that the bill for the arrival of garbage and hazardous waste before the Assembly came after the massive influx of Mojahedin.

The author of this equation – as expressed in the title of the analysis – is Soros, who lobbied Washington to support this scheme, aiming to provide income to finance the activities of his Foundation in the Balkans and beyond Europe.

In coming years, Albania will be known for the import of Mojahedin Khalq organisation, imported toxic waste and the mass cultivation of cannabis. Time will tell how the ‘reformed’ justice system will deal with this challenge. In conclusion, Myftaraj forecasts that Rama’s ‘Justice Reform’ will not affect the progress of this hellish business.

http://www.citynews.al/2016/09/nga-kastriot-myftarajplehrat-kanabisi-muxhahedinet-iraniane-dhe-e-ashtuquajtura-reforme-ne-drejtesi-i-perkasin-te-njejtit-ekuacion-djallezor/1

Nga Kastriot MYFTARAJ/Plehrat, kanabisi, muxhahedinët iranianë dhe e ashtuquajtura reformë në drejtësi i përkasin të njëjtit ekuacion djallëzor

NDAJE ME MIQTË?

Qeveria e Edi Ramës, duke pranuar në Shqipëri të gjithë organizatën e muxhahedinëve iranianë, me mijëra njerëz, dhe jo vetëm një numër të vogël sipas përpjestimit që i takonte Shqipërisë në një ndarje të tyre në vendet e NATO-s, cfarë ishte marrëveshja e qeverisë paraardhëse, bleu në tregun e zi politik të Washingtonit, dy leje sa fitimprurëse për të, aq të dëmshme për vendin dhe banorët e tij.
Leja e parë është ajo për ta shndërruar vendin në një plantacion të madh të prodhimit të cannabis sativa. Leja e dytë është ajo për ta shndërruar Shqipërinë në një vend-kosh plehrash dhe mbetjesh të rrezikshme të Europës dhe më gjerë. Të dy këto leje sjellin të ardhura prej shumë miliardë eurosh për një pakicë njerëzish.
Për të mashtruar shqiptarët, në ndërkohë që përgatiteshin dhe bëheshin këto, u sajua teatri i reformës në drejtësi. Nuk është nevoja që një njeri të jetë shumë i mencur që të kuptojë se “reformatorët” e Drejtësisë nuk janë të interesuar vërtet për një reformë që ta bëjë Drejtësinë funksionale, të pavarur, sepse nëse do të ndodhte kështu, gjyqtarët dhe prokurorët do të zbulonin dhe ndëshkonin autorët e skemës së mësipërme.
Sepse një Prokurori e pavarur do të kërkonte nga qeveria marrëveshjen për ardhjen e muxhahedinëve në Shqipëri, dhe kur të konstatonte mungesën e marrëveshjes, e cila për më tepër nëse ekzistonte duhet të kalonte në Kuvend për miratim, sipas Kushtetutës, do t’ i dërgonte në Gjykatë si të pandehur Kryeministrin dhe Ministrin e Punëve të Brendshme. Dhe Gjykata e pavarur do t’ i dënonte si kriminelë.
Një Prokurorie të pavarur do t’ i mjaftonte të ndërtonte kronologjinë e ngjarjeve për të kuptuar lidhjen që kam bërë në titullin e kësaj analize. Sepse nuk është rastësi që projekt-ligji për ardhjen e plehrave dhe mbetjeve të rrezikshme erdhi në Kuvend pas ardhjes masive të muxhahedinëve .
Autori i ekuacionit të shprehur në titullin e kësaj analize është Sorosi, i cili loboi në Washington për ta mbështetur këtë skemë, me synim që të sigurojë të ardhura për financimin e veprimtarive të fondacionit të tij në Ballkan dhe më gjerë Europë.
Në vitet e ardhshme Shqipëria do t’ ua shikojë të keqen muxhahedinëve, plehrave të importuara, kultivimit masiv të kanabisit. Koha do të tregojë se sa do të jetë e aftë Drejtësia e reformuar për t’ u përballur me këtë sfidë. Nuk e quaj veten për parashikues të madh nëse them se Drejtësia e reformuar as që do ta cënojë mbarëvajtjen e këtij biznisi djallëzor.

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Also read:
http://iran-interlink.org/wordpress/?p=7832

Iranian Mojahedin (Rajavi cult) seek sexual stimulation by touching children in the streets of Tirana 

paedophile-rajavi-cult-in-tiranaIran Interlink, Tirana, Albania, October 27 2016:… Impact Newspaper has revealed that a paedophile stalking the streets of Tirana is a member of the Iranian Mojahedin Khalq terrorist group, which the US, with the help of Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama, brought to Albania. There are a growing number of films and images of these radicalised people who now walk the streets of Tirana. Many nationalities use the overcrowded … 

Can Albania deradicalise Mojahedin Khalq Rajavi cultMassoud Khodabandeh, Huffington Post: Can Albania Meet its Obligations and De-radicalize an Influx of Terrorists into Europe? 

http://iran-interlink.org 

Iranian Mojahedin (Rajavi cult) seek sexual stimulation by touching children in the streets of Tirana

 Impact Newspaper has revealed that a paedophile stalking the streets of Tirana isمریض جنسی مجاهدین خلق فرقه رجوی در تیرانا a member of the Iranian Mojahedin Khalq terrorist group, which the US, with the help of Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama, brought to Albania.

There are a growing number of films and images of these radicalised people who now walk the streets of Tirana. Many nationalities use the overcrowded and energised urban streets, especially women, but it is also observable that the behaviour of some is quite distinct.

Pedofili muxhahedin iranian ngacmon vajzat e mitura ne Tirane

https://youtu.be/DXnY4SmMW-Y

It seems as if this man is in a hurry to get somewhere, but no. In fact he is moving quickly because his goal is to brush excitedly against and inappropriately touch women and young girls as he passes them on the pavement.

The story was first reported by Bold News and Jetaoshqejf news outlets. An observer had seen this man act the same way several times, so one day he decided to follow the man and film him. The video apparently shows this perverse paedophile deliberately making contact with young girls while making it look like an inadvertent passing touch.

Impact newspaper garnered information from various sources of Tirana which indicate that this person is a member of the Iranian Mojahedin Khalq. This fact is very disturbing for residents of Tirana because in addition to their terrorist activity, it now emerges that the Iranian Mojahedin are seeking sexual stimulation in the street. Other cases of similar harassment by a group of Mojahedin have been reported. 

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Muxhahidinët iranianë kapin me zor femrat rrugëve të Tiranës

http://www.gazetaimpakt.com/lajm/14464/muxhahidinet-iraniane-kapin-me-zor-femrat-rrugeve-te-tiranes/

Gjithnjë e më shumë po publikohen pamje të manjakëve që shëtisin rrugëve të Tiranës. Shumica shfrytëzojnë vendet e mbipopulluara sidomos urbanët për të ngacmuar femra, por ka nga ata që gjestet i bëjnë edhe në rrugës, siç është edhe ky rasti.
Duket sikur ky burrë po nxiton për të shkuar diku, por jo. Në fakt ai ecën shpejt, pasi synimi i tij është të ngacmojë vajzat e vogla teksa shkëmbehen me të në trotuar.

Raportuesi e ka parë disa herë atë të veprojë në të njëjtën mënyrë, ndaj një ditë ka vendosur ta ndjekë që ta filmojë. Siç duket në video, ky pervers pedofil ngacmon vajzat e vogla qëllimisht teksa bën sikur i prek ato padashje.

Në redaksinë e Gazetës Impakt kanë ardhur disa mesazhe nga qyetarë të Tiranes ku tregojnë se ky person eshte pjesë e muxhahedinëve iranian te cilët SHBA me ndihmën e kryeministrit shqiptar Edi Rama i strehuan në Shqipëri. Ky ështe fakt shume shqetesues për banorët e Tiranës, sikur te mos mjaftonte aktiviteti i tyre terrorist, tani  del ne pah që muxhahedinët iranian janë edhe ngacmues seksual, edhe më par ka patur raste të tjera ngacmimi nga grupi i muxhahedinëve./ Gazeta Impakt

(END)

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Also read:
http://iran-interlink.org/wordpress/?p=7804

Albania: Radicalized MEK member convicted for attempted rape of 11-year-old boy 

mek_albania_June2013Iran Interlink, Tirana (ALbania), October 11 2016:… An Iranian man, Mousa Jaberifard, was sentenced to three years in prison by the Court of Tirana, Albania after being convicted for the offense of sexual harassment and attempted rape of a minor. He was arrested in March this year after the parents of an 11-year-old boy called the police. Jaberifard arrived in Albania in 2014 as one of the Mojahedin Khalq members from Iraq. A local family became friends with him. The family’s 11-year-old son told police … 

mek_albania_June2013The list of transfers from Baghdad to Tirana includes Jaberifard, No. 30 (May 20114 in Persian).  

http://iran-interlink.org 

Albania: Radicalized MEK member convicted for attempted rape of 11-year-old boy

An Iranian man, Mousa Jaberifard, was sentenced to three years in prison by the Court of Tirana, Albania after being convicted for the offense of sexual harassment and attempted rape of a minor. He was arrested in March this year after the parents of an 11-year-old boy called the police.

Jaberifard arrived in Albania in 2014 as one of the Mojahedin Khalq members from Iraq. A local family became friends with him. The family’s 11-year-old son told police that after going to the market with Jaberifard to buy bread, they arrived back at his apartment where Jaberifard undressed and tried to have sex with him. After many attempts, the boy managed to escape and inform his family who immediately called the police.

Jaberifard is one of over 2500 radicalised Mojahedin Khalq members who have arrived in Albania since 2013. Iran-Interlink warned last week:

“For the local citizens, mystery surrounds their arrival and their lifestyle. Should these secretive and covert neighbours be treated with suspicion or kindness? At a local level, the first thing neighbouring families need to be aware of is that among all MEK members, sexual relations have been banned for over 25 years. This means there are no marriages or children or young people in the organisation. More troubling are the obligatory confessional meetings in which members are required to admit any sexual thoughts or feelings and be punished for them. With this emphasis on sexual matters, it is not known how such people may react when they come in contact with ordinary people and their children.”

Even though the group arrived in Albania under the auspices of the UNHCR, there is no programme to deradicalise members of the group. This means that even if they separate from the MEK, the members remain radicalised and can still pose a threat.

Samples of reports from Albanian media:

http://durreslajm.com/kronike/tentoi-të-përdhunonte-11-vjeçarin-shqiptar-burg-për-iranianin 

Tentoi të përdhunonte 11- vjeçarin shqiptar, burg për iranianin

Postuar: 28/09/2016 – 15:28

۳ vjet burg ka qenë dënimi që ka dhënë Gjykata e Tiranës për shtetasin iranian Mousa Jaberibar, i cili u shpall fajtor për veprën penale të ngacmimit seksual ndaj minorenëve. Ai ranoi akuzën e ngritur dhe për këtë arsye ndaj tij u zhvillua gjykim i shkurtuar dhe përfundimisht dënimi u reduktohet në ۲ vjet burgim.

Mousa Jaberibar u arrestua nga policia në mars të këtij viti, pas denoncimit nga prindërit e një djali 11-vjeçar. Iraniani i cili banonte në Fushë-Mzez, i kishte kërkuar 11-vjeçarit B.S, i cili banon pranë tij, që të shkonte në market të blinte bukë dhe t’ia sillte në apartament. 11-vjeçari u ka treguar familjarëve dhe policisë se pasi është futur në banesën e iranianit, ai e ka zhveshur dhe ka tentuar të kryejë marrëdhënie seksuale me të. Pas shumë përpjekjeve, 11-vjeçari ka arritur të largohet dhe të lajmërojë familjen, e cila ka kryer menjëherë kallëzimin në polici.

Shtetasi iranian Mousa Jaberibar ka mbërritur në Shqipëri me një grup muxhahedinësh, por nuk është pjesë e tyre.

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http://top-channel.tv/lajme/artikull.php?id=336517&fundit

Tiranë, ngacmoi seksualisht një të mitur; 2 vite burg iranianit
 
Tiranë, ngacmoi seksualisht një të mitur; 2 vite burg iranianit

Gjykata e Tiranës ka dënuar me 3 vjet burg shtetasin iranian Mousa Jaberibar, i cili u shpall fajtor për veprën penale të ngacmimit seksual ndaj minorenëve.

Për shkak se iraniani e ka pranuar akuzën, ndaj tij u zhvillua gjykim i shkurtuar dhe përfundimisht dënimi ndaj tij reduktohet në ۲ vjet burgim. Mousa Jaberibar u arrestua nga policia në mars të këtij viti, pas denoncimit nga prindërit e një djali 11-vjeçar, i cili e ka identifikuar iranianin si personin që e kishte ngacmuar dhe kishte tentuar të kryente marrëdhënie seksuale.

Shtetasi iranian ka mbërritur në Shqipëri me një grup muxhahedinësh, por nuk është pjesë e tyre.

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ahttp://www.kohajone.com/2016/09/28/probleme-me-muxhahedinet-ngacmoi-seksualisht-nje-te-mitur-2-vite-burg-iranianit/ 

Probleme me muxhahedinët/ Ngacmoi seksualisht një të mitur 2 vite burg iranianit

Probleme me muxhahedinët/ Ngacmoi seksualisht një të mitur 2 vite burg iranianit

Gjykata e Tiranës ka dënuar me 3 vjet burg shtetasin iranian Mousa Jaberibar, i cili u shpall fajtor për veprën penale të ngacmimit seksual ndaj minorenëve.

Për shkak se iraniani e ka pranuar akuzën, ndaj tij u zhvillua gjykim i shkurtuar dhe përfundimisht dënimi ndaj tij reduktohet në ۲ vjet burgim. Mousa Jaberibar u arrestua nga policia në mars të këtij viti, pas denoncimit nga prindërit e një djali 11-vjeçar, i cili e ka identifikuar iranianin si personin që e kishte ngacmuar dhe kishte tentuar të kryente marrëdhënie seksuale.

Shtetasi iranian ka mbërritur në Shqipëri me një grup muxhahedinësh

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Also read:
http://iran-interlink.org/wordpress/?p=7794

Albanian citizens fearful of radicalised Mojahedin Khalq neighbours deserve more information 

Radicalised Mojahedin Khalq from Iraq to AlbaniaAnne and Massoud Khodabandeh, Huffington post (and Top Topic), October 09 2016:… For the local citizens, mystery surrounds their arrival and their lifestyle. Should these secretive and covert neighbours be treated with suspicion or kindness? At a local level, the first thing neighbouring families need to be aware of is that among all MEK members, sexual relations have been banned for over 25 years. This means there are no marriages or children or young people in the organisation. More troubling … 

Albanian citizens fearful of radicalised Mojahedin Khalq neighbours deserve more information

Albanian citizens fearful of radicalised Mojahedin Khalq neighbours deserve more information

Link to the original (Huffington Post)
Link to the same article (Top Topic)
Link to the translation (Albanian) 

Albanian citizens fearful of radicalised Mojahedin Khalq neighbours deserve more information

By Anne and Massoud Khodabandeh

تعلیم دیدگان صدام مجاهدین خلق رجوی از عراق تا آلبانی

When the MEK were finally expelled from Iraq in August 2016, the Iraqi Foreign Ministry voiced its “deep satisfaction” with the relocation of the MEK in Albania. International efforts to solve the crisis were met with “outstanding success,” a statement read.

‘Deep satisfaction’ is an understatement. Since 2003, the MEK – known asSaddam’s Private Army – has been linked to the insurrectionists which included former Saddamists and Al Qaida in Iraq and later Daesh whom the MEK called ‘revolutionary brothers’. In 2009 serious efforts began to expel the group. The MEK refused to cooperate, issuing credible mass suicide threats against any interference. In 2011, the government of Iraq signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the UN to facilitate this effort. The MEK still refused to cooperate.

Neither was it straightforward to relocate an entire terrorist group. In 2013 Romania refused to take them. Instead, a $9m deal was struck by the US with the government of Albania to take an initial 210. In March 2013, the Obama Administration urged the MEK leadership to “accept the government of Albania’s humanitarian offer immediately, and urges the residents of Camp [Liberty] to resume participation in resettlement interviews to ensure that individuals avail themselves of safe and secure relocation opportunities outside Iraq”. The MEK rejected the offer. The transfer process slowed and often stalled over the next three years.

It was only over the summer of 2016 when it became clear that Daesh and the Saddamists would be flushed out of Mosul and Daesh’s dream of establishing its abhorrent Caliphate in Iraq had been crushed, that the MEK finally accepted to leave. By this time the MEK had sustained 200 deaths and even more injuries as their camp was repeatedly attacked by enemies. For sure the Iraqis had good reason to be glad to see the back of them.

Now in Albania many questions surround the arrival of the MEK. Since 2013, when the government announced publicly that 210 MEK would be accepted in the country, there has been no official communication with the citizenry about the numbers or the purpose of this influx, even though the government’s resettlement package has reached $20m. With upward of 2500 terrorists now located in Tirana, what does this mean for Albania and Albanians? What is the missing backstory and where lies a credible explanation for the MEK’s deviant behaviour?

The first thing we can state is that there is no programme in Albania to de-radicalisethese people. They were transferred as an intact group and there are no plans to disband them. Although international law forbids the UN from granting asylum to terrorists or even to a political group, this is what apparently has happened here.

Evidence that this group is not going to be de-radicalised is not difficult to obtain. Some members when interviewed have already said they only intend to stay in Albania “until the Iranian regime is toppled”. Journalists would only then need to ask why the members are denied any form of family life – marriage and children are banned in the MEK – to elicit the answer ‘so we can focus fully on our struggle’. It is an overt admission that they are not about to abandon their activities as a terrorist group. They are not willing to submit to de-radicalisation.

https://youtu.be/SjeRiz2YcwI

But how do we know they are radicalised at all? What threat, if any, do these people pose to Albanian society?

For the local citizens, mystery surrounds their arrival and their lifestyle. Should these secretive and covert neighbours be treated with suspicion or kindness? At a local level, the first thing neighbouring families need to be aware of is that among all MEK members, sexual relations have been banned for over 25 years. This means there are no marriages or children or young people in the organisation. More troubling are the obligatory confessional meetings in which members are required to admit any sexual thoughts or feelings and be punished for them. With this emphasis on sexual matters, it is not known how such people may react when they come in contact with ordinary people and their children.

Local people will notice that the behaviour, body language and appearance of the MEK are not normal. They will intuitively understand that there is something deviant in these people but will not, without further knowledge, have the means to explain it.

In short it is the result of radicalisation. This is a process of ongoing brainwashing which suppresses the authentic self and emotions and replaces them with the zealous ideological mindset of terrorists.

These people dress, walk and hold themselves differently. Their utilitarian, beggar-like clothes are easily identifiable as thinly disguised uniforms. They do not readily engage with outsiders. Most of them remain isolated behind closed doors and curtains. Those who do come outside are the trusted members who have been successfully re-charged with fresh ideological zeal. They come outside for specific missions such as buying mobile phones, not for enjoyment or leisure. More senior members, travelling covertly in vehicles, will be involved in other more secretive and troubling activities.

In public, the MEK may appear friendly and confident, condescending even, since they feel themselves superior to outsiders. However, because they are very much focused on their own self-preservation and that of their group, this means they cannot engage on a more personal level or talk about everyday issues and will become agitated if pressed beyond their capacity and knowledge.

As a result of radicalisation they have a black and white world view, operate with a very narrow range of emotions and are reluctant to question or be questioned. They display a phobic response to the outside world. Indeed, the MEK do not have an ‘outside’ to which they want to return. Their whole lives revolve around obedience to their group and its leaders.

Radicalisation makes them obedient to orders. The MEK know themselves as ‘living martyrs’ which means they accept death at any time if ordered by their leaders to kill or perform a suicide mission.

What the Albanian authorities are dealing with is not only radicalised combatants but combatants who have been fully trained in terrorism and security tactics by Saddam Hussein’s Republican Guard and Mokhabarat (secret services). They may be old and some may be sick, but they remain programmed to obey orders and are prepared to die or kill for their beliefs. They are trained to dissemble. They can operate easily using two or three false identities. (Complicated by the fact many arrived in Albania using false identities.) They can set people up, obscure their tracks and hide in plain sight. Transferring these people from Iraq to Albania is the equivalent of moving terrorists from Syria to Europe. The challenges posed by these facts cannot be ignored or minimised.

https://youtu.be/QKu4Tm7-J3A

So, if the MEK are not going to be disbanded and de-radicalised, what will they be doing in Albania?

The MEK has a long history of terrorist activity, and its belief system is rooted in violence, but the MEK’s modern role is not military. While in Iraq, the group fulfilled vital facilitating functions for Saddam Hussein, mostly in Europe, doing what he couldn’t do under international sanctions: selling oil under the UN oil-for-food programme; procuring weapons and military equipment; purchasing chemical components for WMDs; money laundry; people trafficking; intimidation and murder of opponents; and undertaking public relations work in the West, including corrupting politicians.

It is anticipated that the MEK will perform a similar facilitating function in Albania, but this time serving modern terrorist groups like Daesh and smaller groups. (The MEK is in part funded by Saudi Arabia.) Albania’s location and historic problems with organised crime and corruption still render the country vulnerable to exploitation by groups like the MEK. It is known that over the past three years, the MEK have already developed relations with criminal gangs and corrupt government officials.

The danger lies in the MEK’s sophisticated capacity to propagandise and deceive political and public opinion, while at the same time performing outrageously damaging activities for the host country. Not only are the MEK fully trained by Saddam’s Intelligence service, but radicalisation means they have no moral, social or religious boundaries whatsoever. For them, all criminal activity is justified by their ideological belief that they can and must do anything for their cause.

Just as the MEK hosted Al Qaida and other insurgents in Iraq, the group is now fully placed to act as a hideout and training provider for the jihadis and terrorists who currently threaten the security of the whole Middle East.

If Albania fails to de-radicalise these people, the consequences could be severe. It is up to the Albanian people to demand a satisfactory explanation from their government. Is this really the humanitarian mission that Albania signed up for?

Qytetarët shqiptarë të frikësuar nga grupi Muxhahedin Halk i radikalizuar meritojnë më shumë informacion

ID:13831
Published08 Tetor 2016

Kur muxhahedinët e Iranit (MEK) u dëbuan përfundimisht nga Iraku në gusht 2016, Ministria e Jashtme e Irakut shprehu ‘kënaqësi të thellë’ për zhvendosjen e MEK në Shqipëri. Përpjekjet ndërkombëtare për të zgjidhur krizën takuan një ‘sukses të jashtëzakonshëm’, lexohet në deklaratë.

‘Kënaqësi e thellë’ është pak. Që nga viti 2003, MEK – të njohur si Ushtria Private e Sadamit – kanë qenë të lidhur me shokë të tjerë rebelë ku përfshhen ish-sadamistët dhe Al Kaeda në Irak, dhe më vonë Daesh(ISIS), të cilët MEK i ka quajtur ‘vëllezër revolucionarë’. Në vitin 2009 filloi përpjekja serioze për ta dëbuar grupin. MEK nuk pranoi të bashkëpunojë,duke lëshuar kërcënime masive për vetëvrasje kundër çdo ndërhyrjeje. Në vitin 2011, qeveria e Irakut ka nënshkruar një Memorandum Mirëkuptimi me OKB-në për të lehtësuar këtë përpjekje. MEK sërish nuk pranoi të bashkëpunojë.

As zhvendosja e tërë grupit terrorist nuk ishte e thjeshtë. Në vitin 2013 Rumania nuk pranoi t’i marrë ata. Kështu, në vend të kësaj, SHBA lidhi një marrëveshje prej 9 milionë dollarësh me qeverinë e Shqipërisë për të marrë një grup fillestar prej 210 personash. Në mars të vitit 2013, administrata Obama i bëri thirrje udhëheqësit të MEK ‘të pranojë menjëherë ofertën humanitare të qeverisë Shqiptare, dhe t’u bëjë thirrje banorëve të Kampit që të rifillojnë pjesëmarrjen në intervistat e risistemimit, për t’u siguruar që individët të përfitojnë nga mundësitë e sigurta të zhvendosjes jashtë Irakut’. MEK e refuzoi ofertën. Procesi i transferimit është ngadalësuar dhe shpesh penguar gjatë tre viteve të ardhshme.

Vetëm gjatë verës së vitit 2016, kur u bë e qartë se Daesh dhe sadamistët do të nxirreshin jashtë nga Mosuli, dhe se ëndrra e Daesh për krijimin e Kalifatit të pështirë në Irak ishte shtypur, MEK më në fund pranoi të largohet. Në këtë kohë MEK kishte pësuar 200 të vdekur dhe akoma më shumë të plagosur pasi kampi i tyre u sulmua vazhdimisht nga armiqtë. Sigurisht që irakenët kishin arsye të forta për të qenë të lumtur për zbrapjsen e tyre.

Tani ardhjen e MEK në Shqipëri e rrethojnë shumë pyetje. Që nga viti 2013, kur qeveria njoftoi publikisht se 210 pjestarë të MEK do të pranohen në vend, nuk ka pasur asnjë komunikim zyrtar me qytetarët në lidhje me numrat apo qëllimin e këtij fluksi, edhe pse paketa zhvendosëse e qeverisë ka arritur në 20 milionë dollarë. Më shumë se 2500 terroristë ndodhen tani në Tiranë; çfarë do të thotë kjo për Shqipërinë dhe shqiptarët? Cila është prapaskena që mungon dhe ku mund të gjendet një shpjegim i besueshëm për sjelljen devijante të MEK?

Gjëja e parë që mund të themi është se nuk ka asnjë program në Shqipëri për të de-radikalizuar këta njerëz. Ata u transferuan si një grup i paprekur dhe nuk ka asnjë  plan për t’i shpërndarë. Edhe pse ligji ndërkombëtar e ndalon OKB-në nga dhënia e azilit për terroristët apo qoftë edhe për një grup politik, kjo është ajo që me sa duket ka ndodhur këtu.

Prova se ky grup nuk do të de-radikalizohet nuk është e vështirë për t’u siguruar. Disa anëtarë tashmë të intervistuar kanë thënë se ata kanë për qëllim vetëm të qëndrojnë në Shqipëri , ‘derisa regjimi iranian të rrëzohet’. Pra gazetarëve do t’u duhet vetëm t’i pyesin se pse anëtarëve iu është mohuar çdo formë e jetës familjare – martesa dhe fëmijët janë të ndaluara në MEK – për të marrë përgjigjen: ‘kështu ne mund të përqëndrohemi plotësisht në luftën tonë’. Është një pohim i hapur se ata nuk kanë ndërmend t’i braktisin aktivitetet e tyre si një grup terrorist. Ata nuk janë të gatshëm për t’u paraqitur për de-radikalizim.

Por si e dimë ne se ata janë totalisht të radikalizuar? Çfarë kërcënimi, nëse ekziston, këta njerëz paraqesin për shoqërinë shqiptare?

Për qytetarët lokalë, ardhja dhe mënyra e jetesës së tyre mbetet mister. Këto fqinjë sekretë dhe të fshehtë duhet të trajtohen me dyshim apo mirësi? Në nivel lokal, gjëja e parë që familjet fqinje duhet të dinë është se në mesin e të gjithë anëtarëve të MEK, marrëdhëniet seksuale janë ndaluar për më shumë se 25 vjet. Kjo do të thotë se nuk ka martesa, fëmijë ose të rinj në organizatë. Më shqetësuese janë takimet e detyrueshme konfesionale në të cilat anëtarët duhet të pranojnë ndonjë mendim apo ndjenjë seksuale dhe të dënohen për to. Me këtë detyrim në çështjet seksuale, nuk mund ta dimë se si mund të reagojnë njerëz të  tillë, kur vijnë në kontakt me njerëzit e zakonshëm dhe fëmijët e tyre.

Vendasit do të vënë re se sjellja, gjuha e trupit dhe pamja e muxhahedinëve nuk janë normale. Ata në mënyrë intuitive do ta kuptojnë se ka diçka të devijuar në këta njerëz, por nuk do munden, pa njohuri të mëtejshme, të gjejnë mënyrën për ta shpjeguar.

Me pak fjalë ky është rezultat i radikalizmit. Ky është një proces i vazhdueshëm ndërrimi pikëpamjesh që shtyp veten dhe emocionet dhe i zëvendëson ato me mendimin e zellshëm ideologjik të terroristëve.

Këta njerëz vishen, ecin dhe e mbajnë veten ndryshe. Veshjet e tyre modeste, si veshje lypësi, janë lehtësisht të identifikueshme si uniforma maskuese. Ata nuk janë të gatshëm të angazhohen me të huajt. Shumica e tyre mbeten të izoluar prapa dyerve të mbyllura dhe perdeve. Ata që dalin jashtë janë anëtarë të besuar të cilët e kanë përvetësuar me sukses zellin e freskët ideologjik. Ata dalin jashtë për misione të veçanta të tilla si blerja e telefonave celularë, jo për kënaqësi apo kohë të lirë. Anëtarë më të lartë, që udhëtojnë fshehurazi në automjete, janë të përfshirë në aktivitete të tjera më të fshehta dhe më shqetësuese.

Në publik, muxhahedinët mund të duken miqësorë dhe të sigurt, mospërfillës madje, pasi ata e ndjejnë veten më superiorë se të jashtmit. Megjithatë, për shkak se ata janë shumë të përqendruar në ruajtjen e vetes dhe të grupit të tyre, sigurisht që nuk mund të angazhohen në një nivel më personal apo të flasin për çështje të përditshme, dhe madje do të bëhen nervozë nëse i shtyn përtej kapacitetit dhe njohurive të tyre.

Si rezultat i radikalizmit ata kanë një pamje bardhë e zi për botën, veprojnë me një gamë shumë të ngushtë emocionesh dhe janë ngurrues për të pyetur apo për t’u pyetur. Ata shfaqin një përgjigje të frikësuar ndaj botës së jashtme. Në të vërtetë, muxhahedinët nuk kanë një ‘jashtë’ te e cila ata duan të kthehen. Gjithë jeta e tyre sillet rreth bindjes ndaj grupit të tyre dhe udhëheqësve të tij.

Radikalizimi i bën ata të bindur ndaj urdhrave. MEK e dinë veten si ‘dëshmorë të gjallë’ që do të thotë se ata e pranojnë vdekjen në çdo kohë, nëse urdhërohen nga udhëheqësit e tyre për të vrarë ose për të kryer një mision vetëvrasës.

Ajo me të cilën po përballen autoritetet shqiptare nuk janë vetëm luftëtarët e radikalizuar, por luftëtarët të cilët janë plotësisht të trajnuar në taktikat e terrorizmit dhe të sigurisë nga Garda e Republikës së Sadam Huseinit dhe Mokhabarat (shërbime sekrete). Ata mund të jenë të vjetër dhe disa mund të jenë të sëmurë, por ata mbeten të programuar që t’u binden urdhrave dhe janë të përgatitur për të vdekur apo për të vrarë për bindjet e tyre. Ata janë të trajnuar për t’u fshehur. Ata mund të operojnë lehtë duke përdorur dy ose tre identitete të rreme. (E komplikuar nga fakti se shumë prej tyre kanë mbërritur në Shqipëri duke përdorur identitete të rreme.) Ata mund të krijojnë identitete, të fshehin gjurmët e tyre dhe të fshihen sy për sy. Transferimi i këtyre njerëzve nga Iraku në Shqipëri është ekuivalent me lëvizjen e terroristëve nga Siria në Evropë. Sfidat e paraqitura nga këto fakte nuk mund të injorohen apo të minimizohen.

Pra, në qoftë se MEK nuk do të shpërbëhen dhe de-radikalizohen, çfarë të jenë duke bërë në Shqipëri vallë?

MEK ka një histori të gjatë të veprimtarisë terroriste, si dhe sistemi i tij i besimit është i rrënjosur në dhunë, por roli modern i MEK nuk është ushtarak. Në Irak, grupi përmbushte funksionet vitale lehtësuese për Sadam Huseinin, dhe kryesisht në Evropë, ata bënin atë që ai nuk mundi të bëjë nën sanksionet ndërkombëtare: shitjen e naftës nën programin e OKB-së naftë-për-ushqim; sigurimin e armëve dhe pajisjeve ushtarake; blerjen e komponentëve kimikë të Shkatërrrimit në Masë; larjen e parave; trafikimin e njerëzve; frikësimin dhe vrasjen e kundërshtarëve dhe ndërmarrjen e marrëdhënieve publike në Perëndim, duke përfshirë edhe korruptimin e politikanëve.

Është parashikuar që MEK do të kryejë një funksion të ngjashëm lehtësues në Shqipëri, por këtë herë duke u shërbyer grupeve moderne terroriste si Daesh dhe grupeve më të vogla. (MEK është pjesërisht i financuar nga Arabia Saudite.) Vendndodhja e Shqipërisë dhe problemet historike me krimin e organizuar dhe korrupsionin ende bëjnë që vendi të jetë i pambrojtur ndaj shfrytëzimit nga grupet si MEK. Është e njohur se gjatë tre viteve të fundit, muxhahedinët kanë zhvilluar tashmë marrëdhënie me bandat kriminale dhe zyrtarët e korruptuar të qeverisë.

Rreziku qëndron në kapacitetin e sofistikuar të MEK për të propaganduar dhe mashtruar opinionin politik dhe publik, e duke kryer në të njëjtën kohë aktivitete të dëmshme të patolerueshme për vendin pritës. Jo vetëm që muxhahedinët janë plotësisht të trajnuar nga shërbimi Inteligjencës së Sadamit, por radikalizimi do të thotë se ata nuk kanë kufij moralë, socialë, fetarë apo cfarëdoqofshin. Për ata, i gjithë aktiviteti kriminal është i shfajësuar nëpërmjet besimit të tyre ideologjik që ata mund dhe duhet të bëjnë cdo gjë për kauzën e tyre.

Ashtu sic priti Al Kaedën dhe kryengritësit e tjerë në Irak, MEK tashmë është vendosur plotësisht për të vepruar si një vend i izoluar dhe trajnues për xhihadistët dhe terroristët, të cilët aktualisht kërcënojnë sigurinë e të gjithë Lindjes së Mesme.

Nëse Shqipëria nuk arrin të de-radikalizojë këta njerëz, pasojat mund të jenë të rënda. Është në dorë të popullit shqiptar për të kërkuar një shpjegim të kënaqshëm nga qeveria e tyre. A është ky me të vërtetë misioni humanitar për të cilin Shqipëria ka nënshkruar? / Gazeta Impakt

Burimi: Huffington

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Also read:
http://iran-interlink.org/wordpress/?p=6694

What does it mean when we say ISIS operates as a mind control cult?

Massoud Khodabandeh, Iranian.com, October 01 2015:… Those camps, often far from the inhabited world, are important in the process. That is where the recruit changes in to a suicide bomber, Khodabandeh concludes. The technique used to brainwash someone only works if you have a place where you are able to isolate people from the family and acquaintances …

Massoud Khodabandeh: The Iranian Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK) and Its Media Strategy:
Methods of Information Manufacture

Link to the source

What does it mean when we say ISIS operates as a mind control cult?

The world is waking up to the fact that some kind of brainwashing is involved in the ISIS campaign to recruit and deploy fighters in Iraq and Syria. This even extends to importing thousands of brainwashed ‘family’ recruits to populate its declared Caliphate.

As an expert on this subject, I was interviewed by Dutch writer and journalist Judit Neurink as part of her new book ‘The war of ISIS: On the road to the Caliphate’.

Judit has lived and worked in Iraqi Kurdistan for nearly a decade. This is important because she has been able to get into the hearts and minds of the people she shares this life with and they have rewarded her with a unique and intimate understanding of this region. This book is a reflection of that.

The book sets out to answer the questions which we all have about ISIS. “Who they are, how did they get their ideals, how do they operate and are they really as dangerous as they would like the world to believe?”

Avoiding any sensationalism, Judit intersperses hard facts, information and analysis with individual accounts and sharp descriptions. She allows other people to speak about their knowledge and experience and by doing so brings the ISIS phenomenon to life in a way no external observer can hope to do.

My contribution has been to talk about the cultic nature of ISIS and the specific methodology it uses to deceive and brainwash its victims into becoming killers and suicide bombers. In this respect it is very similar to the Mojahedin Khalq.

The external behaviour of such groups can sometimes lead people to the false conclusion that one is worse or better than the other. The truth is that because of their internal cult dynamic all terrorist groups are not only dangerous to their intended targets but are also destructive of their own members. Like ISIS, the MEK has killed and tortured thousands of its own members over the years.

Excerpt:

ISIS is much more than just an Islamic group that has established its own state. It is a sect which brainwashes and indoctrinates its members. All new members must first follow lessons in sharia, the Islamic Legislation. “Not in the principles of Islam, but those from the Islamic state”, a young man who left ISIS tells the BBC.

“They teach you the Islam that they want”

Whoever enters ISIS start with forty days in a religious training camp, led by a charismatic trainer. The young man said that his had come from Saudi Arabia, and was so “nice and convincing” that he was “prepared to become a suicide bomber if he has asked”. The training “aims at your heart and not your head, so that your heart becomes filled with passion for their words”.

According to Massoud Khodabandeh, who for years was in the leadership of the Iranian political sect Mujahedeen Khalq (MKO), charismatic trainers play a far more prominent role than the ideology. That is secondary to the goal of the sect, which usually revolves around the well-being and the ambitions of the leader of the group and those around him. Concretely, with ISIS it’s about Baghdadi and the group around him, and their ambition to become powerful.

“With ISIS it is not about Islam”, khodabandeh said resolutely. “No one becomes a member of a sect because of their message”. The recruits from ISIS know nothing about Islam. Because it they did, they would not allow themselves to be lured in”.

Khodabandeh broke with the MKO and now leads an organisation from Great Britain to help people follow his example. Internationally he is well known as an expert on the subject of political sects.

According to him only people who were easily influenced beforehand will fall in to the net of the recruiters. “They have problems; they are running away from something. One from his father. The other one from debt collectors. They have failed in love or at university. They are already a victim before they fall in to the net”.

Camps

For the training of its recruits ISIS had at the end of November in 2014 twenty five camps, fourteen in Syria and eleven in Iraq. One of those was exclusively for fighters from Kazakhstan. After the indoctrination a military training follows, fighters receive physical training and learn how to handle weapons.

Those camps, often far from the inhabited world, are important in the process. That is where the recruit changes in to a suicide bomber, Khodabandeh concludes. The technique used to brainwash someone only works if you have a place where you are able to isolate people from the family and acquaintances, where there are no credit cards, and no place to go back to”.

For the indoctrination of a fighter the recruitment focuses on separating them from everything they had, up to the point that they no longer want to live. For a suicide bomber live itself is a burden. If you are leading a life that you do not want, then you can convince yourself of the beckoning paradise. You only give up a life if you do not have one anyway”.

To show the extent of this, Khodabandeh uses the example of an eighteen year old fighter who was taken prisoner by the Iraqi army before he could carry out his suicide mission. With the approval of the Iraqis, he spent 48 hours with the young man in an effort to pry him loose from the grip of ISIS. “I thought that I should be able to convince him to think differently about things. But after two days and nights he said that I had committed the greatest sin. I had kept him from reaching paradise for forty eight hours. It went that deep. His life was a burden. He begged to end it”.

A sect exists from a nucleus with layers surrounding it. Like and onion, Khodabandeh says. The nucleus is the suicide bomber, for ISIS also the fighters who go in to battle to die. “You only need a certain number of these. But in order to recruit and indoctrinate them there are many more people needed”.

Not everyone becomes a suicide bomber. And that prospect alone will not lure any recruits, neither does the idea of going to kill people, or decapitate leads, khodabandeh believes. They come from money, for charity, for a role in the new state or the army. “In Syria they realize; I have to kill someone while I only came here to bring medicine. The pressure to do that is immense. Because their entire world is now ISIS. If it says that you have to chop off heads, then you do that. Otherwise you will become a victim yourself”.

From that fear, ISIS members convince themselves if they have doubts that they are wrong, and the others, in ISIS, are right. Because everyone outside of ISIS is considered to be the enemy, this would relate to them too should they turn their backs on the group. “they believe they do not have any choice; if they do not cut off that head then they will lose their own”.

(END)

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کمپ اشرف فوریه 2015Camp New Iraq (Formerly Ashraf), now  HQ of Anti ISIS forces in Dialy provance

Massoud Khodabandeh: Will President Rouhani meet genuine human rights advocates halfway?

2015-10-29-1446141457-4261917-syria2013Aleppo.jpgMassoud Khodabandh, Huffington post Nov. 2015:
Syrian Negotiations Won’t Provide One Winner But Will Ensure Violence Is Absolute Loser

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