Iran’s first president, Abolhassan Banisadr , dies in Paris at 88

Iran’s first president, Abolhassan Banisadr , dies in Paris at 88

Abolhassan BanisadrAljazeera, October 09 2021:… He had formed an alliance with Masoud Rajavi, the then-leader of the Mojahedin-e-Khalq (MEK), to oppose the establishment. They sought refuge in France and founded the National Council of Resistance of Iran. Banisadr soon fell out with Rajavi, however, accusing him of espousing ideologies that showed tendencies for violence and dictatorship. Moreover, he opposed the fact that the MEK made camp in Iraq with Hussein’s support and mounted an armed assault on Iranian soil, which was ultimately defeated. Iran’s first president, Abolhassan Banisadr , dies in Paris at 88

Banisadr opposed the fact that Rajavi moved to Saddam Hussain campBanisadr opposed the fact that Rajavi moved to Saddam Hussain camp

 

Iran’s first president, Abolhassan Banisadr , dies in Paris at 88

Banisadr became Iran’s first president months after 1979 revolution, but was later impeached and fled the country.

Tehran, Iran – Abolhassan Banisadr, who became Iran’s first president following the country’s 1979 revolution, has died in Paris, where he lived for decades after fleeing his country.

Abolhassan Banisadr

A statement by his website and reports by Iranian media on Saturday said the 88-year-old passed away “after a long battle with illness” in the French capital’s Salpêtrière hospital.

Banisadr was born in 1933 in Hamedan province in western Iran. His father was a renowned religious leader and a friend of Ruhollah Khomeini, who successfully led the Islamic revolution against Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the last shah of Iran.

Banisadr, who completed his studies in Europe, was a campaigner against the dynastic rule of the shah. He became a confidante and close ally of Khomeini, whom he hosted when the latter was in Paris prior to becoming Iran’s first supreme leader.

First elected president

Months after the revolution, Banisadr became the first elected president in Iran’s history, garnering a strong majority of the public vote to govern for four years. He was also appointed as acting commander-in-chief by the supreme leader.

Banisadr stood out with his moustache and Western-style suits among the black robes and turbans favoured by the other religious leaders of the revolution. But they shared a common faith in a Shia Islamic state to replace the monarchy.

However, two major events beyond his control severely affected Banisadr’s ability to cement his position: the takeover of the United States embassy in Tehran and the hostage crisis that ensued, and the invasion of Iran by neighbouring Iraq led by Saddam Hussein with support from foreign governments to overthrow the country’s fledgling clerical establishment.

Against this chaotic backdrop, Banisadr soon clashed with factions within the establishment over a host of issues, including cabinet appointments and governance vision.

Fleeing to France

The intensifying strife ultimately meant his presidency lasted only a little over a year as the newly formed Islamic parliament impeached him in June 1981 with backing from Khomeini. After living in hiding for some time, he was smuggled out of the country in an aeroplane, weeks after his impeachment.

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He had formed an alliance with Masoud Rajavi, the then-leader of the Mojahedin-e-Khalq (MEK), to oppose the establishment. They sought refuge in France and founded the National Council of Resistance of Iran.

Banisadr soon fell out with Rajavi, however, accusing him of espousing ideologies that showed tendencies for violence and dictatorship. Moreover, he opposed the fact that the MEK made camp in Iraq with Saddam Hussein ’s support and mounted an armed assault on Iranian soil, which was ultimately defeated.

Banisadr spent the next decades until his death living in France with police protection. He remained opposed to Iran’s leaders and published a magazine and numerous books.

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Iran’s first president, Abolhassan Banisadr, dies in Paris at 88

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Why would people consider Mojahedin Khalq who depended on Saddam and now plays the role of lobbyist in Washington?

Abolhassan BanisadrAshar AL-Awsat, June 13 2013: … Definitely, I consider myself an alternative, and equally I consider all democratic movements as alternatives. But why would we want to consider a group that depended on Saddam, throughout the years he was in power, and then announces that it wants to play the role of lobbyist to Washington. Is this the alternative to the Iranian regime? A lobby group in Washington’s hands? …

Mojahedin Khalq (MKO, MEK, Rajavi cult)continued terror campainMojahedin Khalq (MKO, MEK, Rajavi cult)continued terror campain

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Abulhassan Banisadr: The view from exile

Asharq Al-Awsat interview with former president of the Islamic Republic of Iran

(…)

Abolhassan BanisadrQ: Leader of the National Council of Resistance of Iran and wife of the MEK leader Maryam Rajavi recently said that the Arab Spring will hit Tehran, and that the opposition—represented by the MEK—are prepared to be an alternative to the regime. Do you think there are truly those who view them as a viable alternative? Do you think you yourself are one of these alternatives?

Definitely, I consider myself an alternative, and equally I consider all democratic movements as alternatives. But why would we want to consider a group that depended on Saddam, throughout the years he was in power, and then announces that it wants to play the role of lobbyist to Washington. Is this the alternative to the Iranian regime? A lobby group in Washington’s hands?

Q: The EU, and lately Washington, no longer classify MEK as a terrorist group. Is this a sign regarding a possible future role?

I know, yes. That is to say, when you depend on an external power, one day you are a terrorist, another day you are not. That’s why these groups have no base in Iran, because they don’t represent the pride of a people. Iranians cannot accept submitting to foreign powers; it’s impossible.

Don’t forget that we have had three revolutions in one century, and in each of those revolutions our slogan was ‘Independence and Liberty.’ How do you think that a group so dependent on outside powers could be acceptable to a people whose slogan was, and remains, ‘Independence and Liberty?’

(…)

Full interview:

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http://iran-interlink.ca/?mod=view&id=9430

 the Cult of Rajavi

.Massoud Rajavi

… Remarks of Mr. Bani-Sadr are opening a new chapter on the subject of sexual relations among the cult leaders, and Rajavi in particular, and the reasons behind such unorthodox behaviors. This is a serious approach through which researchers can bring the subject onto the academic scene to study it from a variety of angles and to enlighten the public opinion about the cults’ threats. The taboo of avoiding such overwhelming plight among the societies must be broken as many western countries have already discriminated the …

Maryam Rajavi
(Maryam Rajavi and two of the chosen cult members)

Bahar Irani, Mojahedin.ws, February 10, 2011
http://bestthinking.net/article/show_en.php?id=3673

The controversial marriage and divorce of Massoud Rajavi with Abolhassan Bani-Sadr’s daughter, Firoozeh, is one of the issues that need to be studied in detail. That is because her divorce is concurrent with many organizational-related events including the so-called ideological marriage of Rajavi with Maryam Azudanloo, the consequent ideological revolution and disclosures about the scandalous, secret relations of Rajavi and Maryam. In this regard, the available evidences so far are only some remarks made by Abolhassan Bani-Sadr and statements by some detached members of Mojahedin Khalq Organization (MKO, MEK, PMOI, NCR, NLA).

Firoozeh’s divorce hardly attracted attentions since it was eclipsed by the announced ideological revolution immediately after Rajavi and Maryam marriage and only a short statement published in Mojahed announced Firoozeh’s divorce without any further explanation. Since then, Firoozeh Bani-Sadr only once and in a meeting with Ms. Batool Soltani made references about her relations with Massoud Rajavi and his voracious power-seeking. Although her revelations highlight some peculiarities of Rajavi’s character, but Ms. Soltan’s shocking disclosures about Rajavi’s sexual relations with members of the Leadership Council completely overshadowed Firoozeh’s comments. The fact is that Firoozeh’s silence in all these years on the reasons for her divorce and its aftermath is much questionable. Her silence might have been grounded on some personal considerations or the consequent frustration after the disclosures. But her silence does not seem to be much sensible, unless there are unwritten agreements and compromise, when we see that her role in Rajavi’s private life and being au courant of his relations with Maryam Azudanloo might help to illuminate one of the challenging chapters of the organization’s history. But the recent remarks of Abolhassan Bani-Sadr concerning Rajavi’s scandal refute possibility of any compromise and we have to look for causes behind Firoozeh’s silence somewhere else, the most obvious of which can be her fear of Rajavi’s retaliation.

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But in relation to disclosures and statements of Ms. Soltani it should be asserted that they did not receive the attention they had to. Perhaps one reason is moral considerations and respect for reputation and honor of those who are still caught in the clutches of Rajavi’s cultic sexual exploitation. On the other hand, the audience and the critics are too shocked by her disclosures to make further queries and to examine them in detail and thus, her remarks were only publicized under a few articles of sex-themed.

But in his recent interview with Mohammad Hussein Sobhani concerning Firoozeh’s marriage with Rajavi, Abolhassan Bani-Sadr also made new references to Rajavi’s cultic exploitation. His assertions as a father indicate that he was not willing to wed his daughter to Rajavi:

You know, as a father I was opposed to their marriage, in fact, I was opposed to political marriage, to pervert marriage for political causes. But my daughter believed in independence and freedom, in political evolution. This guy (Rajavi) had talked to her in detail and they reached an agreement over a dowry of independence, freedom and nationalism. And she was also granted the right of divorce if Mr. Rajavi ever in future made a move to violate Iran’s right of independence, freedom of man and national peace.

According to the mutual agreement between Rajavi and Firoozeh stated by Bani-sadr, the divorce must have been a rational and reasonable outcome as we see Rajavi violated the conditions in practice:

And so it continued until one night when my daughter called me and I could hear her crying over the phone. She said this guy (Rajavi) had decided to move to Baghdad and had told her to make her mind either to come or divorce. I told her why are you crying? You married him on some agreed principles, now you have a choice to break your vow and go to Baghdad with him or keep it. She said she wouldn’t. I said well, right now you leave and come here and tomorrow we will apply to the municipality or anywhere else for divorcing this mister husband. You divorce him and it is finished, this guy goes his own way and you do the same.

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But the second part of Mr. Bani-Sadr’s interview focuses mainly on Rajavi’s cultic exploitation, already asserted by Ms. Soltani, which can start a new theoretical and psychosocial study of his lusts and covets. Tacitly approving Ms. Soltan’s disclosures about Rajavi’s sexual exploitations, Mr. Bani-Sadr comments on the close link between sex and the absolute authority that will lead to the demise of totalitarianism at the end according to historical evidences. Since he has stressed that he has authored a new book on this subject, we hope that the book will work as a start to break the long silence and also motivate those interested in the subject to better illuminate the dark aspects. Concerning cultic authority and the destiny of peoples like Rajavi, Mr. Bani-Sadr states:

Breaking from the reality and being imprisoned in a world of fantasy fuels the urge for engaging in such activities and leads to madness. As a result, he [Rajavi] must connect to a kind of reality, an existing reality that can satisfy him. So he comes to say this is the cult that I have formed wherein any man and woman are my devotee. And he is satisfied to say I told them to divorce and they obeyed, I told them either they had to love the organization and its leadership or choose something else but they chose me. Suppose she [Ms. Soltani] is right, which I hope is not, about the sexual intercourse that took place, so it is the only fact and reality he has made a connection with in this cult, no other reality can be found beyond it because he has access to nothing else. ….. This man (Rajavi ) suffers when he has to think about any reality, and he has no other way but to retreat and seek asylum in his created world of fantasy to escape from the reality. And that is the destiny of people like Rajavi.

Remarks of Mr. Bani-Sadr are opening a new chapter on the subject of sexual relations among the cult leaders, and Rajavi in particular, and the reasons behind such unorthodox behaviors. This is a serious approach through which researchers can bring the subject onto the academic scene to study it from a variety of angles and to enlighten the public opinion about the cults’ threats. The taboo of avoiding such overwhelming plight among the societies must be broken as many western countries have already discriminated the necessity of investigation into the subject. Otherwise, people have to pay a heavy price before they come to know the threats of the cults. A predicament is just before our eyes, that is, we are witnessing one of the most inhuman cultic exploitations of the modern world and sexual enslavement of many men and women within the cult of Rajavi.

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