Canadian family asks Top Channel’s “Fiks Fare for help: “MEK mujahedeens took our daughter”

Canadian family asks Top Channel’s “Fiks Fare for help: “MEK mujahedeens took our daughter”

MEK_MKO_Maryam_Rajavi_Kidnapped_Canadian_woman_AlbaniaTop Channel TV, Tirana, Albania, September 05 2018:… They went to the Manza camp to try and meet the MEK representatives. After many attempts, MEK finally responded with an open letter, declaring that Fiks Fare had threatened Somaihe and the members of the Manza Camp. But Fiks Fare has recorded the entire conversation, which makes it clear that the journalists are asking for official information … 

photo 2018-08-01 23-58-44Mojahedin / The father rejected, the mother’s writes to her daughter: Come out and meet me, I want to see you before I die 

Link to the source

Canadian family asks Top Channel’s “Fiks Fare for help: “MEK mujahedeens took our daughter”

For the past 20 years, an Iranian family of Canadian citizenship have been trying to meet with their daughter, who joined the MEK when she was 16.

Today she is 38, but the parents still cannot meet her, although they have tried very hard and went through a lot of dangers to find her.

Mustafa Mohamadi and his wife addressed Fiks Fare for help regarding the situation that they are facing for the past two decades. They think that their daughter has been forced to become part of the organization.

“I and my family we haven’t been able to see Somaieh for the past 20 years. We have been living in Canada and our daughter lived with us until she was 16”, he said.

“We immigrated to Canada in 1994. The mujahedeens branishwashed her. She went to the Ashraf camp to fight the Iranian government. The mujahedeens had told us that my wife’s sister had been executed. My daughter had a very special connection to her aunt. When we were in Canada we used to help the Mujahedeen. We used to collect money for them every weekend. We knocked on doors asking for money to help them. Two years later, when my daughter was 16, a woman came to us in Canada. She was a member of MEK. She spoke to my daughter and told her she had met her aunt. She said she knew about the special relation they had. My daughter had tears in her eyes. She was invited to go to Iraq, to see where her aunt was staying. The mujahedeen member bought two tickets for two weeks. I agreed that she could go for two weeks”, says her father, Mustafa Mohammadi.

According to him, his daughter never came back after this. He and his wife have been asking for help for the past years, but no state institution has helped them.

They even say they received letters, signed by their daughter, asking US troops to intervene in Iraq and let her join her family. Those letters were sent to the Canadian embassy in Jordan, which sent them to Canada.

After this report, Fiks Fare made an inquiry at the MEK organization through an official e-mail. They asked information if Somaihe was at the Manza camp, in Albania. They also requested a meeting with the girl.


The journalists didn’t receive any official answer. They went to the Manza camp to try and meet the MEK representatives. After many attempts, MEK finally responded with an open letter, declaring that Fiks Fare had threatened Somaihe and the members of the Manza Camp. But Fiks Fare has recorded the entire conversation, which makes it clear that the journalists are asking for official information, based on the law.

Fiks Fare asked for an interview, after obtaining the letters signed by Somaihe Mohammadi, who has demanded to meet with her family in Canada on October 17th, 2014.

Today, in a press release, Somaihe refused to meet her parents and called them agents of the Iranian regime. She also confirmed that she was staying with MEK on her free will.



No_to_ME__MKO_NCRI_Maryam_Rajavi_Cult_In AlbaniaThe Most Dangerous Cult In Albania (Albania for Albanians. Not for Terrorist MEK)

Lindsey_Hilsum_Attacked_By_MEK_Maryam_Rajavi_Cult_In_AlbaniaMEK members residing in Albania hit British journalist, local media reports (Mojahedin Khalq, Maryam Rajavi Cult, NCRI …)

European_Parliament_Against_Maryam_Rajavi_Mojahedin_Khalq_MEK_MKO_TerroristsMEPs discuss Mojahedine-E Khalq (MEK) Threat in #Albania

Albania: MEK rebrands by assassinating unwanted members

The MEK’s dirty past includes the anti-Imperialist inspired murder of six Americans in pre-revolution Iran which it later celebrated in songs and publications

Mojahedin Khalq, MEK, Rajavi cult in Iraq No more
اتمام قائله مجاهدین خلق، فرقه رجوی در عراق
The End of the Path – Teaser 1
پایان یک راه – تیزر اول

Mojahedin Khalq, MEK, Rajavi cult in Iraq No more
اتمام قائله مجاهدین خلق، فرقه رجوی در عراق
The End of the Path – Teaser ۲
پایان یک راه – تیزر دوم 

Also read:

Albanian media publishes Somayeh Mohammadi’s story – Why can’t she speak for herself? 

Somayeh_Mostafa_Mohammadi_National_Post_MEK_Maryam_Rajavi_Cult_Albania_3Iran Interlink, August 29 2018:… The following post republishes the story of Mostafa Mohammadi’s quest to free his daughter from the hands of MEK. The series of articles, originally published in 2006 by Stewart Bell in National Post, has now been translated into Albanian and published by one of the country’s leading newspapers, In 2006, MEK accused Stewart Bell of being ‘an agent of the Iranian … 

Paid_Lobby_Tirana_Albania_Namik Kopliku_Forced_Confession_Terrorism_Mojahedin_Khalq_MEK_1Mojahed’s parents: The girl is forcibly held in the camp, she knows many MEK secrets, help us free her

Albanian_Police_No_Match_For_MEK_Rajavi_Cult_ Saddam_MukhabaratAlbanian Police No Match For MEK Commanders Trained By Saddam’s Mukhabarat

Albanian media publishes Somayeh Mohammadi’s story – Why can’t she speak for herself?

The following post republishes the story of Mostafa Mohammadi’s quest to free his daughter from the hands of MEK. The series of articles, originally published in 2006 by Stewart Bell in National Post, has now been translated into Albanian and published by one of the country’s leading newspapers, In 2006, MEK accused Stewart Bell of being ‘an agent of the Iranian regime’.

This summer, 2018, Mostafa travelled to Albania in another attempt to meet with his daughter away from MEK control. MEK responded aggressively, accusing Mostafa and his wife of being ‘agents of the Iranian regime’. MEK has also accused Albanian journalists, a Channel 4 film crew from the UK and another British journalist with The Guardian, of being ‘agents of the Iranian regime’. However, at no time did MEK allow Somayeh Mohammadi to leave the camp to meet independently with her family or anyone else. This has scandalized Albanian public opinion.

Following this is a document in Farsi giving background to this story, including hand written letters by Somayeh Mohammadi to her family and the Canadian authorities, asking for help to be brought out of the MEK camp in Iraq and taken to Canada. The post includes family photographs.


Children Of ‘The Resistance’

By National Post On Oct 6, 2006

Canadian teens recruited in plot to overthrow Iranian government

Somayeh_Mostafa_Mohammadi_National_Post_MEK_Maryam_Rajavi_Cult_Albania_1 CREDIT: Peter Redman, National Post

Mustafa Mohammady sits with a picture of his daughter Somayeh now 25, in his Richmond Hill home. Mohammady is working for the return of his daughter…

Somayeh_Mostafa_Mohammadi_National_Post_MEK_Maryam_Rajavi_Cult_Albania_2 CREDIT: National Post

Somayeh Mohammady, shown in 1998, the year she dropped out of Grade 10  and left Canada for a guerrilla training camp in Iraq.


A National Post investigation has found the banned terrorist group Mujahedin-e Khalq recruited teens in Canada and sent them abroad to overthrow the Iranian government by force. Today, we begin a five-part series about a Canadian family that got deeply involved with the guerrillas — and now regrets it.

– – –

RICHMOND HILL – The video playing on the 36-inch Hitachi television in Mustafa Mohammady’s living room in the suburbs north of Toronto shows his daughter Somayeh in a paramilitary uniform, her hair tucked under a khaki scarf that’s knotted at the neck.

The home video has come to the Mohammadys from the plains north of Baghdad, where their daughter lives in a guerrilla compound called Camp Ashraf, the headquarters of the Organization of the Freedom Fighters of the Iranian People.

A student at Etobicoke Collegiate Institute, Somayeh dropped out of Grade 10 to join the rebels, and for the past several years her parents have done little else except try to get her back to Canada. They have written pleading letters to guerrilla commanders and the Canadian government. They travelled to Iraq four times.

But she is there still.

“Her brain’s been washed,” her younger brother Morteza said. “The Canadian government needs to take her out of there. We know my sister is not a terrorist.”

The Mohammadys are nervous and sleepless with worry, but as much as the parents are torn up that their daughter is a member of what the Canadian government calls a terrorist organization, in arguably the most dangerous country in the world, they also know they are partly to blame because she went to the camp with their consent.

“I trusted them,” Mustafa, himself a former activist in the group, said of the guerrillas, better known as the Mujahedin-e Khalq, or MEK. “At the time I sent my daughter, I trusted them…. I thought this organization respect the human rights. I never thought they would do the same thing [Ayatollah] Khomeini did to his people.”

An investigation by the National Post has found that the MEK sent recruiters to Canada to enlist teenagers and send them to Camp Ashraf, where they were armed and trained to overthrow the Iranian government by force.

One Iranian group in Toronto, the Centre for Thought, Dialogue and Human Rights in Iran, says three boys and seven girls under the age of 18 were sent to Ashraf.

The teens were sent from Toronto, Montreal and Ottawa. Dozens of others older than 18 have attended the camp.

To date, only one Canadian is known to have returned to Canada from Ashraf. The rest remain at the camp to this day, either unable or unwilling to leave, and Somayeh is among them.

The Mohammady family fled Tehran after it degenerated into a rigid dictatorship of mullahs. Ayatollah Khomeini’s 1979 Islamic revolution had broad support at first, but disenchantment soon set in.

The MEK, led by Massoud Rajavi, had been one of the strongest supporters of the revolt to depose the Shah, who preceded Khomeini’s rule. But when Khomeini began a crackdown on opposition groups, the MEK turned against the new regime and began assassinating key government officials and hijacking Iranian airplanes. In some cases, it used suicide bombers.

In Tehran, Mustafa was active in the MEK, although he said he was never a member, only a supporter who distributed literature and tried to convince others to join. But his family was deeply involved.

His brother-in-law, Hadi Hamzeh Dolabi, joined the MEK but was arrested in 1981 and executed by Khomeini’s Revolutionary Guards three years later. A sister-in-law, Hourieh Hamzieh, joined the MEK as well, but was killed in 1988.

Under surveillance and fearing for his life, Mustafa fled with his wife and children to Turkey in 1992. Eighteen months later, Ottawa recognized the Mohammadys as refugees, and in September, 1994, they flew to Amsterdam and then Toronto.

For the first two months, they lived in a refugee shelter in Scarborough, but as their first Canadian winter set in, they found their own apartment in Etobicoke.

In the spring, Mustafa went to a community event to celebrate Noruz, the Iranian New Year. Some activists who ran a support network for the MEK in Canada were there and they invited Mustafa to their office in Toronto.

From the outside, it looked like just an ordinary home in a residential neighbourhood. But inside, everyone wore MEK uniforms, and the walls were decorated with MEK flags and portraits of Rajavi and his wife, Maryam.

The house served as the Canadian headquarters of the Mujahedin’s international support network. From this unassuming house, the MEK organized protests and raised money. But it was also recruiting for Camp Ashraf, the 36-square-kilometre military encampment that Saddam Hussein had set aside for the MEK in Iraq to stage cross-border attacks against Iran.

Mustafa watched propaganda films at the centre with his wife and children and attended group discussions.

Eager to see the overthrow of the Iranian regime he blamed for the deaths of his family members, he began to spend a few hours a day collecting money for the cause.

He went door to door, or stood on a street corner near Dundas and Spadina. He would show photos of crying children, and tell stories about how their parents had been executed by the Iranian regime. On Saturdays and Sundays, his daughter Somayeh would accompany him on his rounds. She was 13, maybe 14 at the time.

In 1997, the MEK began a major recruiting drive. The fighting ranks were ageing, and young blood was needed to rejuvenate the People’s Army. During the 1991 Gulf War, MEK members at Camp Ashraf had sent their children abroad for their safety. Some of them came to Canada to stay with aunts and uncles. The recruiters were tasked with bringing them back, along with as many other young Iranian expatriates as they could get.

The recruiter who came to Canada was a petite woman with glasses and a headscarf who went by the name Mazia. She began to pay a lot of attention to Somayeh. They talked about Somayeh’s favourite aunt, the one who had died fighting with the Mujahedin almost a decade earlier. Mazia showed Somayeh photographs of Camp Ashraf and described it as a “very nice place.”

Mazia convinced Somayeh to attend a demonstration in Washington, D.C., and on June 30, 1997, she crossed the border and travelled to the Pirayesh, the MEK’s secret base in Sleepy Hollow, Va. Somayeh watched videos of Ashraf and met the head of the U.S. Mujahedin recruiting network, Sima, who offered to send her to Iraq to visit her aunt’s grave.

Somayeh returned to Toronto and started Grade 10, but she dropped out to join the MEK. She was only 17 years old, but Sima told the Mohammadys their daughter would be safely returned to them after a month.

Mustafa had a favourable opinion of the MEK back then. The security era ushered in by 9/11 was still three years away, and the Mujahedin had not yet been outlawed as a terrorist group.

“We thought they were a nationalist group that wanted to topple the Iranian government,” he said. As for Ashraf, he thought it was “like other camps that were run by nice people. So I consented for my daughter to go there.”

Somayeh said her parents paid for her airfare. Mustafa denied that.

“I didn’t have the money,” he said. The MEK’s U.S. office bought the ticket, he insisted.

“I think the purpose was just to deceive some young people and get them there,” he said. “At that time, I did not know.” He said he thought she would be like an exchange student.

“I thought it was just another program.”

In February, 1998, Somayeh flew from New York to Amsterdam, then transferred to a flight to Amman, Jordan. From there, she went by road to Baghdad and then travelled north on a highway for 65 kilometres to a gate where palm trees and Iranian flags marked the entrance to the rebel base.

For the next decade, Camp Ashraf would be her home.


Mujahedin-e Khalq: “The Mujahedin-e-Khalq (MEK) is an Iranian terrorist organization that was based in Iraq until recently. It subscribes to an eclectic ideology that combines its own interpretation of Shiite Islamism with Marxist principles. The group aspires to overthrow the current regime in Iran and establish a democratic, socialist Islamic republic. This Islamic socialism can only be attained through the destruction of the existing regime and the elimination of Western influence, described as ‘Westoxication.’ To achieve this Islamic ideology, the use of physical force, armed struggle or jihad is necessary. Besides having had an alliance with Saddam Hussein, the organization has or had ties with Amal [from which Hezbollah originated], the Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI), the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), Al Fatah and other Palestinian factions. The MEK is even suspected of past collusion with the regime of the Taliban in Afghanistan.” Source: “Currently listed entities,” Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness Canada, (


In the second part of the series, Somayeh’s brother Mohammad joins her at Camp Ashraf.

Ran with fact box “Decoding the Mujahedin-E KhalqOrganization” which has been appended to the story.

© National Post 2006

Losing a son

Stewart Bell

National Post

Monday, September 25, 2006

CREDIT: Roberto Schmidt, AFP

Getty Images / Armoured vehicles belonging to the People’s Mujahedeen (MEK) are lined up at a camp in northern Iraq in this file photo from May, 2003.

A National Post investigation has found that the banned terrorist group Mujahedin-e Khalq recruited teens in Canada and sent them abroad to overthrow the Iranian government by force. Today, part two of a five-part series about a Canadian family that got deeply involved with the guerrillas — and now regrets it.

RICHMOND HILL – Nervous and pensive, Mohammad Mohammady has the look of someone who has been through too much, too young. Five years at a guerrilla camp in Iraq will do that to a person.

At age 16, Mohammad left Toronto and made his way to Camp Ashraf, the headquarters of an armed resistance group fighting to overthrow Iran’s repressive government.

His parents, Mustafa and Robabe, were refugees from Iran and supporters of the militants, known as the Organization of the Freedom Fighters of the Iranian People. But in his first interviews since returning to Canada, Mohammad said he only went to the paramilitary camp in Iraq for one reason: to bring home his sister, Somayeh.

Somayeh had dropped out of Grade 10 at Etobicoke Collegiate Institute in 1998 and travelled to Camp Ashraf. The guerrillas had told her parents she would only be gone four weeks.

But a month passed, and then another, and another. Still, there was no sign of Somayeh; no letters, no phone calls. The Mohammadys began calling the guerrillas’ secret office in Virginia, but they could not get a straight answer.

“She likes being in the camp and she would like to stay,” one of the commanders finally told the parents.

The Freedom Fighters, better known as the MEK, short for its Farsi name Mujahedin-e Khalq, enjoyed wide support among Iranian refugees in Canada, and Mustafa was an activist in the group’s Toronto branch. Somayeh had gone to Camp Ashraf with his permission, but he said he never intended for her to join its cadre of guerrillas.

“She didn’t go to join,” Mustafa said. “She went to see the camp. I sent her to go there to see the camp for a holiday…. That’s the greatest mistake I have ever made in my life.”

Feeling they had nowhere to turn and afraid to alert the Canadian government (even friends and neighbours were told she was on an exchange program in France), the Mohammadys agreed to send their son Mohammad to Iraq to look for Somayeh and bring her back.

“And that,” Mustafa said, “was our second mistake.”

Mohammad was close to Somayeh. She was like a mother to him and he missed her terribly. He wanted her to come home to Canada. He travelled to the Pirayesh, the MEK’s U.S. secret headquarters near Washington, D.C.

The MEK leaders told Mohammad he could go to Camp Ashraf. He could see his sister, see the camp and come back. The Mujahedin paid for his plane ticket.

Following the same route his sister had taken the year before, he flew to Jordan. From Amman, the MEK took him by road to the Iraqi border. He walked across the frontier and into a waiting car that delivered him to Camp Ashraf, a guarded paramilitary encampment that stretches six-kilometres by six-kilometres over the plains north of Baghdad.

Four thousand MEK members lived at the camp, all decked out in green fatigues. They had come from around the world; many were Iranian expatriates from the West. Mohammad believes that about 100 were from Canada. Other estimates say the number is closer to 50.

Camp life was rigidly regulated.

The men and women were strictly segregated into different sectors of the camp, with little interaction permitted. Even the bakery had separate hours for men and women.

Wake-up was at 4 a.m. The men would shave and shower before breakfast at 4:30. At 5:30, they would do chores, such as cleaning the tanks or working the farm.

A hot lunch was served from 10 to 11:30, after which the recruits had down time until 3 p.m. They would sleep or read. Anything but work; it was too hot for that.

The afternoons were devoted to political indoctrination sessions, then there was another three-hour work party at 4:30. At 7:30 p.m., it was exercise time. They would play soccer or go running. Dinner was at 9:30. Before a shower and bed, the recruits attended a final indoctrination session.

According to the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, the MEK uses “internal propaganda” to indoctrinate its members. Recruits must chant their allegiance to MEK boss Maryam Rajavi, who ruled with her husband, Massoud, during training: “Iran is Rajavi, Rajavi is Iran. Iran is Maryam, Maryam is Iran.”

A classified CSIS report obtained by the National Post says that, “This internal propaganda has served to foster a cult-like atmosphere as many MEK members revere the Rajavis like Gods.”

Two weeks after he arrived, Mohammad had still not seen his sister. The excuses varied, he said: “She’s busy,” “She’s not here,” “It takes time,” “She’s sick today.”

It was a month before they were finally reunited. Two female MEK officials supervised. Somayeh asked about their parents but also voiced her support for the MEK’s husband-and-wife leaders, Massoud and Maryam Rajavi, but Mohammad said he could tell it was an act.

“She wasn’t happy,” he said.

Having seen his sister, but having failed to convince her to leave, Mohammad told the MEK commanders he was ready to go home. He was told, “later.” Then an administrative official told him he could not go back because he had signed a contract.

After three months, he began to resign himself to camp life. He had no passport and no plane ticket (the MEK had taken both). Even if he escaped, there was nowhere to run except into the barren, land mine-strewn Iraqi desert.

He underwent small arms training on an AK-47 and did odd jobs. He fixed the camp cars and cube vans, worked on their engines. He says he never took part in military operations. “I wasn’t a member,” he said. “I was with the Mujahedin, but I wasn’t a member.”

A year after his arrival, Mohammad was sent closer to the Iranian border, to another camp called Alavi, northeast of Ashraf. His visits with Somayeh were restricted to once a year at Persian New Year celebrations.

Back in Toronto, the Mohammadys waited to see whether Mohammad would bring Somayeh home, but as the weeks passed it dawned on them that he had met the same fate as his sister.

“He was recruited by the Mujahedin,” Mustafa said.

The Mohammadys became Canadian citizens on June 23, 2000. At the ceremony, they received certificates signed by immigration minister Elinor Caplan that said, “Welcome to the Canadian family.”

But their own family was in turmoil. Mustafa remained active in the MEK network in Canada, attending their demonstrations, but only because he thought it would help get his son and daughter home, he said.

As the MEK ramped up its attacks in 2001, Iran’s Revolutionary Guards fought back with rocket barrages aimed at the Mujahedin’s six camps in Iraq. A dozen surface-to-surface missiles struck Ashraf and five hit Alavi.

Mohammad once again asked to leave the camp in 2001, but he said the MEK did not tolerate “defections.” Mohammad was brought before a gathering of men who denounced him and spat on him. He relented, agreeing to stay.

He said in an interview that during a visit to his camp, Massoud Rajavi gave a speech in which he had said that anyone who left the MEK would be hunted down and killed. (Mohammad fears for his life to this day and would not agree to be photographed for this article).

Increasingly worried, Mustafa wrote letters to Mohammed pleading for news. On Nov. 22, 2002, he wrote to the Rajavis, whom he addressed as “brother Massoud and sister Maryam.”

“I wish you good health and prosperity under the care of Imam Mahdi and hope that under your leadership we get rid of the inhuman ruling of the Mullahs in Iran,” he wrote.

“Honorable brother and sister, we, the under signers, Mustafa and Mahboobeh Mohammady, humbly ask you to facilitate our meeting with our children, Somayeh and Mohammed Reza during the Christmas Holiday.

“With the warm wishes for you and victory for the movement in the New Year we appreciate your help on this matter.”

He never got a reply.


In the name of God,

With warm greetings to all members of the “Army of Freedom” who are trying for the removal of the inhuman regime in Iran and to you my dear son.

I wish you are fine and wherever you are you are protected by almighty and the Imam Mahdi. Dear Mohammad, if you have any worries about us please rest assured that we are fine and our only concern is you and Somayeh and the unbearable pain of being apart from you two.

Dear Mohammad, your mother is missing you so much and we keep ourselves busy watching films that we have from you. Your baby sister, Hurieh, is growing fast and she keeps asking about you and her elder sister all the time. She prays for both of you at bedtime every night.

Your younger brother, Morteza, is a grownup adult now and he also

expresses his deep feelings and concern about you too.

Dear Mohammad, I know that you don’t have free time to write us but the letters that were written on your behalf before our New Year were received by us 3-4 months after that date.

Although we were happy to hear about you, since it is hard to believe that you are so busy that you can’t spare a few minutes to write yourself, we became a little concerned. You know that seeing your own handwriting makes us really happy.

It is due to the concerns and worries caused by this incident that we have tried every possible way to get some information about the safety of you and your sister. Please write to us, in your own handwriting, or call us as soon as possible. If we don’t hear from you very soon we have no choice but to push every possible button to get some result.

So, please, either yourself or your sister should get in touch with us and confirm your health and safety.

In hope to see you as soon as possible and to see the demise of the inhuman regime in Iran,

God bless you

Your father

Mustafa and Mahboobeh


In the third instalment of the series, a father takes extreme measures to get his son and daughter out of the clutches of the guerrillas.

Ran with fact box “A Father’s Letter” which has been appended to the story.

© National Post 2006

Father’s sacrifice

Stewart Bell – National Post

Tuesday, September 26, 2006

CREDIT: Afp, Getty Images

An Iranian sets himself on fire in Rome in 2003 to protest the French government’s crackdown on the MEK.

A National Post investigation has found the outlawed terrorist group Mujahedin-e Khalq recruited teenagers in Canada and sent them abroad to overthrow the Iranian government by force. Today, part three of a five-part series about a Canadian family that got deeply involved with the guerrillas — and now regrets it.

– – –

At 11 o’clock in the morning on June 19, 2003, Mustafa Mohammady stopped his car on Sussex Drive in Ottawa, opened the driver’s door and headed toward the French embassy.

He held a gasoline canister in one hand and a lighter in the other.

Two days earlier, French anti-terrorist police had detained Maryam Rajavi, leader of the Mujahedin-e Khalq, a cult-like resistance group fighting to overthrow Iran’s repressive government.

The MEK had responded by mobilizing its international network of supporters, ordering them to take to the streets in protest. At the French embassy in London, an Ottawa woman named Neda Hassani died after setting herself on fire.

Protesters also congregated outside France’s chancery overlooking Rideau Falls in Ottawa. They were chanting, waving placards and hunger-striking when Mustafa arrived to take the demonstration up a notch.

An Iranian-Canadian father of four from Toronto, Mustafa said in an interview that he went to the embassy after receiving a telephone call from a U.S.-based MEK activist named Sima.

Sima told him that Ms. Rajavi’s arrest was a disaster for the Iranian resistance, and that unless he did something, his children could be in danger, he said.

Although he had been a MEK activist in Iran and Canada, Mustafa said he followed the instructions not out of any zealous devotion to the cause, but because he thought it would help his son and daughter.

“It was all about my children,” he said.

In 1998, his then 17-year-old daughter, Somayeh, an Etobicoke high school student, had been recruited into the MEK. The following year, Mustafa’s son Mohammad, then 16, joined her. They had been living at the MEK’s base in Iraq, Camp Ashraf, ever since.

After four years, the Mohammady children had still not returned and Mustafa said he turned against the resistance over what he termed the MEK’s “kidnapping” of his children.

Camp Ashraf was a huge paramilitary complex 100 kilometres west of the Iranian border. Saddam Hussein had given the land to the MEK to use as a staging ground for cross-border attacks into Iran.

The Mujahedin at Camp Ashraf viewed themselves as Iran’s only hope against the religious extremists who had seized power in the 1979 Islamic revolution. But their low-level insurgency had little popular support within Iran and little to no chance of success.

Then the Americans invaded Iraq.

Within weeks of the start of Operation Iraqi Freedom, the U.S. military captured Camp Ashraf and disarmed the MEK of its 10,000 small arms and 300 tanks. The MEK was all but finished.

Officially, any Mujahedin fighters that wanted to leave Camp Ashraf were free to go. A few hundred left, but most stayed, either because they were true believers or because they had nowhere else to go except back to Iran, where they were sure they would be detained, tortured or killed.

But human rights groups say there was another reason they didn’t leave: The MEK wouldn’t let them. Human Rights Watch says those who tried to leave Ashraf were labelled “defectors,” imprisoned and tortured. A few were killed. The MEK has dismissed the allegations as lies planted by Iranian spies.

“The Iranian government has a dreadful record on human rights. But it would be a huge mistake to promote an opposition group that is responsible for severe human rights abuses,” Joe Stark of Human Rights Watch said upon the release of the New York-based group’s report on Ashraf.

In September, 2003, the U.S. military opened a “defectors” camp. Formally called the Temporary International Presence Facility, it serves as a transit camp for former Mujahedin who want out of Ashraf and are waiting to return to their home countries.

A Canadian immigration official based in Jordan who visited the defectors camp described it in a report to Ottawa as “better than any refugee camp that I have ever seen,” but that was in 2004 and human rights activists say conditions there have worsened and its occupants are eager to get out.

The defectors camp covers about six acres and has its own recreation area and mess tent. More than 200 Mujahedin have left Ashraf to live under the protection of the U.S. forces.

Somayeh was not among them.

While she had opted not to go to the U.S. camp, Somayeh apparently wanted to return to Canada. She wrote a letter in Farsi in 2004 and addressed it to the Canadian embassy in Amman.

In it she politely asked for help getting back to Toronto. “I would really like you to help me out,” she wrote.

By that time, things were looking grim at Camp Ashraf. Iraq’s new interim rulers wanted the base dismantled, and they were talking about deporting the occupants of the camp to Iran.

The Mujahedin’s campaign for international legitimacy was also struggling. After the terrorist attacks of 9/11, the West was beginning to look unfavourably at the MEK’s tactics, which included suicide bombings, hijackings and assassinations.

The arrest of Maryam Rajavi threatened to fatally taint the MEK as a terrorist group. The Mujahedin decided to respond dramatically, and Mustafa was to be part of the performance.

The MEK had a history of targeting embassies.

On April 5, 1992, about 40 people armed with sticks, crowbars and mallets stormed the Iranian embassy in Ottawa to protest an air attack on a Mujahedin base in Iraq.

Several people were injured. Most of the demonstrators were MEK members, according to a Canadian Security Intelligence Service report obtained by the National Post.

“The Ottawa attack occurred several hours after the bombing in Iraq, illustrating the high level of organization and commitment of the MEK within Canada,” the CSIS report said.

Similar attacks were carried out simultaneously at Iranian embassies in 13 other countries. The mastermind of the Ottawa embassy assault, Robab Farahi-Mahdavieh, was later deported to Britain.

Eleven years later, France’s arrest of Ms. Rajavi had made French embassies the focus of the MEK. A commander from the MEK’s secret U.S. base in Virginia telephoned Mustafa in Toronto and suggested it would be a good time to do something, the Toronto man said in an interview.

She never told him in so many words to set himself on fire, he said. But elsewhere in the world, MEK activists had been self-immolating in front of television news cameras. Mustafa thought that if he were to do the same, the Mujahedin might let his kids return to Canada.

As he neared the French embassy, he tipped the gasoline canister over his head, dousing himself in fuel while shouting denunciations of the Iranian regime. But before he could ignite himself, onlookers wrestled him to the ground and knocked the lighter out of his hand.

It was all over in seconds.



“Human rights abuses carried out by MKO [Muhahedin-e Khalq Organization] leaders against dissident members ranged from prolonged incommunicado and solitary confinement to beatings, verbal and psychological abuse, coerced confessions, threats of execution, and torture that in two cases led to death. …

“Dissident members who requested to leave the organization as well as ordinary members were detained in the bangals [pre-fabricated trailers]. Detention inside a bangal was considered a form of MKO punishment for members whom the leadership considered to have made mistakes. They were expected to reflect on their mistakes and to write self-criticism reports while in detention….

“The third type of detention reported by the witnesses encompassed imprisonment, physical torture and interrogations inside secret prisons within the MKO camps. These prisons were primarily used for persecution of political dissidents. Their existence was unknown to most members. The witnesses who suffered under this form of detention told Human Rights Watch that they were unaware that the organization maintained such prisons until they experienced it firsthand.

“One of the witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch, Mohammad Hussein Sobhani, spent eight-and-a-half years in solitary confinement, from September, 1992, to January, 2001, inside the MKO camps. Another witness, Javaheri-Yar, underwent five years of solitary confinement in the MKO prisons, from November, 1995, to December, 2000. Both were high-ranking members who intended to leave the organization but were told that, because of their extensive inside knowledge, they could not be allowed to do so.”

Source: “No Exit: Human Rights Abuses Inside the MKO Camps,” Human Rights Watch, May 2005.


“The Iranian Resistance’s President-elect, Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, described the report by Human Rights Watch against the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran, as a catalogue of false allegations and a shameful example of rushing to the aid of the religious dictatorship ruling Iran. On the eve of the discredited presidential election farce, the clerical regime was in dire need of such an endorsement, she said.

“Mrs. Rajavi added, ‘This report contains nothing new. It is a rehash of allegations by notoriously discredited agents of the Iranian regime’s Ministry of Intelligence and Security. That no inquiries were made to either the National Council of Resistance of Iran or the PMOI and that no notice was taken of explanations made public by the Iranian Resistance, and the haste in putting out this report, clearly reveal the political agenda behind it.’ “



In the fourth part of the series, Mustafa Mohammady journeys to Iraq to try to retrieve his son and daughter from the guerrillas.

Ran with fact box “Quote Unquote” which has been appended to the story.

© National Post 2006

Getting out of an Iraqi terror camp

Stewart Bell –  National Post

Wednesday, September 27, 2006

Part four of a five-part series about a Canadian family that got deeply involved with an Iranian guerrilla group — and now regrets it.

– – –

Built on seven hills north of the Dead Sea, Amman is known for its Roman ruins and bakeries that sell nutty Arab sweets, but since 2003 the Jordanian capital has also become a hub for travellers bound for the war zone in Iraq.

The foreigners who converge in Amman before crossing the desert to Baghdad are mostly soldiers, contractors and journalists, but in April, 2006, a Canadian named Mustafa Mohammady arrived on a more personal mission.

A 49-year-old father of four from Richmond Hill, a suburb north of Toronto, Mustafa had only one thing on his mind as he landed at Queen Alia International Airport: Bringing his daughter Somayeh home from Iraq.

In 1998, Somayeh, then 17, had dropped out of Etobicoke Collegiate Institute and flown to Iraq to join the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) a self-professed People’s Army fighting to overthrow the repressive regime that had seized power in Iran’s 1979 Islamic revolution.

Then Mustafa’s son, Mohammad, 16, went to the guerrilla camp as well.

As the years passed without the return of his children, Mustafa mounted a dangerous and costly campaign to get them home. In 2002, he travelled to Damascus and took a bus to the Iraqi border. He slept at the border for three nights but he had no visa and was turned back.

Ten days before U.S. troops invaded Iraq in 2003, Mustafa finally reached the MEK’s military headquarters, Camp Ashraf, and visited his children.

He also met with guerrilla commanders, but while Mustafa had intended to ask about bringing home his children, he never did. He said his son begged him not to raise the topic, fearing it would only cause trouble. Mustafa kept quiet and left after a week, without his children.

A few months after U.S.-led forces toppled Saddam Hussein, Mustafa returned to Ashraf once again. This time, he brought a video camera. His home movies offer a glimpse of life inside the guerrilla camp: Young women chatting in military uniforms, with khaki scarves over their heads; uniformed men play-fighting; a one-armed man shooting pool; kebabs cooking on a barbecue pit.

“It’s like a military base,” Mustafa said.

But Camp Ashraf resembled a small city. There were residential buildings, two hospitals, gardens and sports facilities, serving a population of almost 4,000. There was a university campus and a water treatment plant. The camp even had its own Web site.

The U.S. invasion brought a sudden end to the MEK’s war against the Iranian regime. The Americans disarmed the group, confiscating thousands of weapons. But the rebel command discouraged its young guerrillas from “defecting.”

Somayeh contacted the Canadian embassy in Jordan in 2004 saying she wanted to return to Canada, but she was also worried about her younger brother, Mohammad, and wrote a brief letter asking the Canadian government to help get him back to Toronto.

“I’d like to ask you to kindly help him, at your earliest convenience, with his return to Canada. I have been waiting for approximately six months now to hear back from you and I was not expecting it to take so long,” she wrote in Farsi.

“All along I have been under a lot of stress, thinking constantly and hoping you would take care of him. Besides being a Canadian citizen, he would like to return to our father, mother, brother and sister.

“My only request of you is to quickly help him with his return to our family in Canada before something horrible happens to him.”

The MEK knew Mohammad was unhappy at the camp. Instead of letting him go, however, they locked him in a metal shipping container, he said in an exclusive interview with the National Post.

Each morning, a guard would bring tea, and at 3 p.m., Mohammad would get bread, cheese and a cup of water. Twenty-four hours a day, he sweltered inside the container, which became a furnace under the midday sun. He lost weight. He thought he would die.

“I had no hope,” he said.

After 21 days, he was released and telephoned his father in Toronto.

“Give me 14 days,” Mustafa told him.

The MEK commanders told Mohammad that Mustafa would not come. But then Mohammad heard his father was in Jordan and would be arriving at Ashraf in a few hours.

Mustafa got there at 8 p.m. and spoke to a female commander, who told him Mohammad could leave. Father and son hugged.

Forty-five days later, Mohammad left Camp Ashraf for Jordan. He spent two weeks in Amman with his mother before returning to Canada on Dec. 20, 2004.

He had been with the guerrillas five years. But he soon learned it was not so easy to escape the MEK. A week before he left, a commander had warned him not to say anything bad about the MEK. If he did, he was told that something would happen to him, he said in an interview.

Exactly what would happen was not specified, but he said he was told to recall what MEK leader Massoud Rajavi had said at the camp a few years earlier: Defectors would be found and killed.

At home in Toronto, Mohammad’s fears heightened as he began receiving threatening calls from Mujahedin supporters angry he had abandoned the freedom fighters. They accused him of being a spy for the Iranian regime, a label the MEK commonly uses to tarnish disgruntled former members.

The MEK and the Iranian government had fought with tanks and AK-47s along the Iran-Iraq border, but they were also waging a propaganda war in Western cities.

Just as the MEK used propaganda to silence its critics and highlight Iran’s dismal human rights record, the Ministry of Intelligence and Security, Iran’s brutal secret service, was working to discredit the Mujahedin.

Operating out of Iranian embassies in Western capitals, Iranian agents were approaching and exploiting families with relatives at Camp Ashraf, a tactic known in the spy world as foreign-influence activities.

Mustafa said he never knowingly spoke with any Iranian agents, or even Canadian intelligence officers. He was approached last year by a man suspected of working for the Iranians, but Mustafa said he was not aware he was an agent, did not trust him and never accepted his offer of help.

Mustafa said he agreed to be interviewed about his family’s involvement with the MEK because he thought the publicity might pressure the Canadian government into bringing his daughter back to Toronto.

By the spring of 2006, Mustafa decided to return to Iraq once again. He flew to Jordan and waited in line at the Iraqi embassy every morning at 8 a.m., hoping for a visa. Each day he left at closing time at 2:30 p.m., empty-handed.

The Canadian embassy gave Mustafa a letter of introduction (although only after he signed a waiver saying he understood the risks inherent in travelling to Iraq), but it did not help get him a visa.

Looking for another route into Iraq, Mustafa went to Turkey and hired a local man to take him across the border, but the smuggler backed out, telling Mustafa it was too dangerous.

The security situation in Iraq was worsening. Improvised explosive devices planted along the highways had made travelling by road a form of Russian roulette. One roadside bomb killed more than a dozen Iraqi contract workers aboard a bus bound for Camp Ashraf.

Getting a visa from the Iraqi embassy, however, was just one of the obstacles Mustafa faced as he waited in Amman.

He also had to convince Somayeh to return to Canada, and after spending the better part of a decade in the company of the guerrillas, she sometimes sounded reluctant to leave.

The next challenge was to convince the Mujahedin to let her go, and according to human rights investigators, the MEK leadership had been imprisoning and torturing “defectors.”

But even if he could get Somayeh out of Camp Ashraf, and through the worsening war zone of Iraq, there was one final roadblock: Canada’s immigration department.


Greetings to the Canadian Embassy and the Government of Canada.

The undersigned, Somayeh Mohammady, holder of passport number RC009592 issued in Canada, daughter of Mustafa Mohammady, would like to ask you to make it possible, at your earliest convenience, for me to return to my old country Canada since I both went to school and taught there and also lived with my family.

All my family is there: my father, mother, brother, sister and the rest of my family including my uncle … I would really like you to help me out. I submitted my citizenship application to the government of Canada six months ago and requested to help me return to Canada, however unfortunately it appeared that there was no answer.

Nevertheless, I know that Canada pays a great deal of attention to human rights and values its citizens highly. I was a refugee in Canada for four years and filled out the application form for citizenship, but I couldn’t obtain my citizenship before coming here.

When I tried to return, I was not able to since I didn’t have my passport available and it wasn’t possible for me to contact my family. Now, my father has been able to come down to see us and also there were representatives from the government of Canada here six months ago. I managed to let them know about my request and also let my father know so that he can submit my request to you in order for me to return to my family.

Thank you very, very much.

Signed: Somayeh Mohammady.

Source: Letter sent to the Canadian embassy in Jordan on Oct. 17, 2004.


In the final part of the series, the Mohammady family squares off against Canadian immigration officials.

Ran with fact box “Letter From Camp Ashraf” which has been appended to the story.

© National Post 2006

‘I’m with the Mujahedin’

Stewart Bell –  National Post

Thursday, September 28, 2006

CREDIT: National Post, courtesy of Mohammady family

Somayeh Mohammady is a member of the banned terrorist group Mujahedin-e-Khalq. She lives at a guerrilla camp called Camp Ashraf in Iraq. She joined when she was 16 and he has been trying to get her back to Canada.

Today, the conclusion a five-part National Post series about a Canadian family that got deeply involved with an Iranian guerrilla group — and now regrets it.

– – –

TORONTO – The voice on the speakerphone was faint.

“Hello. I am Somayeh Mohammady,” the caller said.

“I’m in Ashraf city, in Iraq.”

Somayeh was calling from Camp Ashraf, the headquarters of the guerrilla group she had joined when she was 17 years old.

Standing outside on the sidewalk for better reception, she held a borrowed satellite phone to her ear while 10,000 kilometres away her muffled words were broadcast through a speaker into Hearing Room 50 at the Immigration and Refugee Board office in downtown Toronto.

“Somayeh, are you still living in Camp Ashraf, in the Mujahedin camp?” her lawyer, Pamila Bhardwaj, asked, using the term for a Muslim soldier of God.

“Yes,” she replied. “Yes, I am there.”

A former student at Etobicoke Collegiate Institute, Somayeh was in Grade 10 when she was recruited into the Mujahedin-e Khalq, a resistance group fighting to overthrown Iran’s hardline regime.

It was the regine that came to power in Iran’s 1979 Islamic revolution. Her younger brother Mohammad joined her at the camp at age 16.

Although their parents were MEK supporters and initially backed their decision to go to Iraq, as the years went by, they became increasingly desperate to get the children home. In 2004, they succeeded in bringing Mohammad back to Canada after five years with the guerrillas, but Somayeh was still there.

They wrote letters, voyaged to Iraq and met diplomats and guerrilla commanders. In the end, however, it was Canada’s immigration and refugee board that would decide Somayeh’s fate.

The 25-year-old’s future hung in the balance on May 9, 2006, as she testified by telephone at the hearing that would determine whether she would be allowed to return to Canada or whether she would have to remain at a rebel camp in the world’s deadliest war zone.

The problem was that Somayeh was only a permanent resident of Canada when she left Toronto to join the resistance in 1998. She had been away with the rebels when the rest of her family became citizens. By 2006, she had been away so long that she had lost her Canadian immigration status. She was also a self-admitted member of the MEK, an outlawed terrorist organization under federal law, and therefore inadmissible to Canada.

Early in 2004, she sent a letter to the Canadian embassy in Jordan asking for help getting out of Ashraf. On May 31 of that year, an immigration official travelled to Camp Ashraf to interview her.

In the notes she took that day, the officer observed that the meeting was monitored by Behzad Saffari, a “legal advisor” to the MEK who “refused to leave the interview and regularly interfered, saying he was translating.”

“If it is determined that you have the right to return to Canada, do you wish to do so?” the Canadian official asked Somayeh.

“Because I was an immigrant in Canada, I am willing to go back to Canada to join my family,” she replied, according to a government report on the meeting obtained by the National Post.

Somayeh told the officer how she had immigrated to Canada from Iran with her parents in 1994.

“When did you leave Canada,” the official asked.


“Have you been back to Canada since?”


As the immigration official wrote in her subsequent report, under Canadian law, landed immigrants automatically lose their status if they have been abroad for more than 730 days during the previous five years.

The math was not in Somayeh’s favour. She had not spent a single day in Canada in almost a decade. As the Canadian embassy in Amman wrote in its letter to Somayeh, that meant she was not entitled to return to Canada. Neither did the embassy find there were sufficient humanitarian or compassionate grounds to let her back in.

The Mohammady family did not give up. They hired a lawyer, Ms. Bhardwaj, who filed an appeal. To support the case, Somayeh’s father, Mustafa, a Canadian citizen, wrote a two-page affidavit that portrayed his daughter as a Patty Hearst-like victim.

“My daughter left Canada in 1998 for Iraq by herself on vacation. She was 16 years old at the time [she was actually 17],” Mustafa wrote. “My daughter informs me, and I verily believe, that after her arrival in Iraq, she was detained by the Mujahedin and has been held against her will since then.”

At the hearing, Somayeh called in on a satellite telephone she borrowed from a U.S. soldier who was part of the Military Police unit guarding the camp. She said she was able to speak freely.

Her lawyer asked whether she had left the MEK camp and moved to the “defectors’ camp,” a nearby compound that American troops had set up for those wishing to quit the guerrillas. But she said she was still living with the MEK.

“I’m with the Mujahedin,” she said in Farsi.

Why hadn’t she gone to the U.S. camp?

“I don’t want to go there.”


“I’m a Mujahedin myself and I want to be here.”

Her lawyer asked if she wanted to return to Canada.

“No, I don’t.”

Why not?

“I would like to be here.”


“Because I’m Mujahedin myself and I want to be here.”

At that, the lawyer turned to the immigration judge and said she was not comfortable proceeding, arguing that Somayeh was afraid to speak truthfully since she was still living with the MEK.

The lawyer argued that Somayeh had not given up her landed immigrant status voluntarily. When she left Canada, she was a minor and never intended to stay in Iraq for so long, Ms. Bhardwaj said. The MEK had, for all intents and purposes, kidnapped her.

In her cross-examination, the immigration official asked Somayeh why she left Canada.

“I wanted to join Mujahedin,” she replied.

Did your parents know this?


And they approved?

“Yes, they approved.”

Who paid for you to travel to Iraq?

“My parents,” she said, adding, “The money I have for telephone is running out.”

Mustafa testified by speakerphone from Amman. He had arrived in Jordan in April with his wife, Robabe. They hoped to get into Iraq and move Somayeh to the American camp until her immigration status was sorted out.

“I swear as a father to tell the truth,” he pleaded. “My daughter is a hostage and she is very frightened of these people, and whatever she might have said today is what they told her to say.”

But the immigration official dismissed the family’s portrayal of Somayeh as a girl who went on a student exchange program and got kidnapped by rebels.

“It’s simply not plausible,” the official said. “There’s something else going on here. This is the type of organization you chose for your daughter for a student exchange? He [Mustafa] was aware his daughter was going to join the Mujahedin. That is the only plausible explanation.”

After two months in Jordan and Turkey, trying to reach his daughter in Iraq, Mustafa was running out of money and making little headway. He returned to Toronto on June 21, 2006. The construction contractor estimates the six trips he has made to the region have cost him $60,000.

Disarmed and confined to its base in Iraq, the MEK is all but finished as a fighting force. Its guerrillas pass the time studying and running their base. Camp Ashraf is now no more than a holding station for rebels like Somayeh who, whether out of fear or commitment, won’t abandon the MEK and have nowhere else to go.

A copy of the refugee board’s decision on Somayeh’s case was delivered to her lawyer last Thursday and released publicly on Monday. The judge, James Waters, ruled that Somayeh had “joined the MEK voluntarily with her parents’ consent.”

He noted that the MEK was considered a terrorist group under Canada’s Anti-terrorism Act and that Somayeh “was clear that she was a long-time committed member of the MEK and wished to remain with her Mujahedin colleagues at Camp Ashraf in Iraq rather than return to Canada.”

Somayeh’s appeal was dismissed.

Unless the decision is appealed and overturned, her life in Canada is finished, squandered by zeal for a cause half a world away.

Mustafa broke down when he heard the news. His wife cries every day. They are nervous all the time and can’t sleep. They worry that the MEK will kill Somayeh and claim it as a suicide.

The parents feel helpless. And they feel guilty as well because they were the ones who introduced her to the MEK when she was an impressionable adolescent.

“I understand,” Mustafa said, “that we made a mistake.”


The appellant is not well established in Canada, having spent approximately four years of her life as a student here during her teenage years.

The appellant was a 17-year-old minor when she voluntarily decided with her parents’ consent to leave Canada and join the MEK.

Since 1998, she has been living at Camp Ashraf, Iran [it is actually Iraq], the MEK military base. The appellant has not been in Canada at all during the five-year period prior to May 31, 2004. The extent of the non-compliance is a negative factor.

Insufficient persuasive evidence has been proffered to displace the appellant’s oral testimony that she wishes to remain at Camp Ashraf with her MEK colleagues. The appellant does not wish to return to Canada to reside as a permanent resident.

The appellant’s entire immediate family is in Canada. It is their view that the immigration goal of family reunification would be served by permitting the appellant further time to defect from the MEK camp and return to Canada. The appellant’s immediate family in Canada believe it is in her best interests to return to Canada to live and would support her readjusting to life here. The appellant’s family want her to return to Canada; however, the appellant does not wish to return here.

Having regard to all the evidence presented, the appellant has not established, taking into account the best interests of children directly affected by the decision, sufficient humanitarian and compassionate considerations that warrant the granting of special relief in light of all the circumstances of the case. The appeal is therefore dismissed.

 Source: Reasons and Decision, Somayeh Mohammady v. The Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, Sept. 19, 2006.

Ran with fact box “Immigration and Refugee Board Decision on Somayeh Mohammady” which has been appended to the story.

Stewart Bell –  National Post  – Saturday, September 23, 2006

نامه سمیه محمدی و تقاضا کمک برایی فرار از مجاهدین خلق فرقه رجوی Somayeh Mohammadi Letter to the Canadian Government asking for help to be taken out and transferred to Canada

نامه سمیه محمدی و تقاضا کمک برایی فرار از مجاهدین خلق فرقه رجوی

Somayeh Mohammadi wrote to the Canadian Embassy asking for help to recuse his brother 

نامه سمیه محمدی و تقاضا کمک برایی فرار از مجاهدین خلق فرقه رجوی

Somayeh Mohammadi wrote again to the Canadian Embassy asking for help to be taken out and transferred to Canada

مطبوعات آلبانی سمیه محمدی مصطفی محمدی مجاهدین خلق تروریسم گروگان گیری

Part of Canadian Embassy report about the situation of Somayeh Mohammadi

مطبوعات آلبانی سمیه محمدی مصطفی محمدی مجاهدین خلق تروریسم گروگان گیری

مطبوعات آلبانی سمیه محمدی مصطفی محمدی مجاهدین خلق تروریسم گروگان گیری

 مطبوعات آلبانی سمیه محمدی مصطفی محمدی مجاهدین خلق تروریسم گروگان گیری

مصطفی محمدی محبوبه محمدی بدنبال سمیه محمدی در آلبانی

 Muxhahedinët sulmojnë gazetarët anglezë në Shqipëri, ndërhyn policiaSkandali/ Muxhahedinët sulmojnë gazetarët anglezë në Shqipëri, ndërhyn policia

Namik_Kopliku_Mojahedin_Khalq_Terrorists_MEK_MKO_Rajavi_CultPrindërit e muxhahedines: Vajza po mbahet me forcë në kamp, pasi di shumë sekrete të MEK, ndihmë të lirohet

Incidenti në kamp, muxhahedinët iranianë rrahin gazetaren britanikeEkskluzive-E plotë/ Incidenti në kamp, muxhahedinët iranianë rrahin gazetaren britanike

European_Parliament_Against_Maryam_Rajavi_Mojahedin_Khalq_MEK_MKO_TerroristsMEPs discuss Mojahedine-E Khalq (MEK) Threat in #Albania

Albania: MEK rebrands by assassinating unwanted members

MSNBC_Massoud_KhodabandehThe MEK’s man inside the White House (Maryam Rajavi cult, Mojahedin Khalq)


Saga e Sommayeh Mohammadi, si përfundoi muxhahedinia nga Kanadaja në kampin Ashraf në Irak?
Shkrimi i parë i gazetarit kanadez me titull “Adoleshentët kanadezë rekrutohen për të përmbysur qeverinë iraniane”.

Stewart Bell
26 Gusht, 14:28 | Përditesimi i fundit: 26 Gusht, 15:30 nis sot publikimin e 6 artikujve botuar në median kanadeze në të cilat shpjegohet se si përfundoi muxhahidine nga Kanadaja në kampin Ashraf Sommayeh Mohammadi. Historia e saj u mësua në fillim të korrikut 2018 kur në Shqipëri mbërritën prindirit të cilët këkojnë ta takojnë por nuk kanë mundur ende.

Të gjashta shkrimet në formë investigimesh janë realizuar nga gazetari Stewart Bell i cili njihet so një ndër ekspertët më të mirë në Kanada për çështjet e terrorizmit. Seria e publikimit të këtyre investigimeve me titull “Fëmijët e Rezistencës” nga gazeta National Post, për MEK dhe Sommayeh Mohammadi ka nisur në vitin 2006.

Artikulli i gazetarit në 2006

Në shkrimin e parë Stewart Bell tregon se si Sommayeh Mohammadi me dëshirën e babait Mostafa Mohammadi iu bashkua në nga Kanadaja MEK e më pas u rekrutua për të shkuar në kampin Ashraf në Iraq. Në këtë shkrim Mostafa Mohammadi citohet të jetë shprehur se: “U besova atyre. Në kohën kur dërgova vajzën time unë u besoja atyre… Mendova se kjo organizatë respektonte të drejtat e njeriut dhe nuk mendova se do të bënin të njejtën gjë që bëri Khomeini me popullin e tij”, u shpreh Mostafa, një ish-aktivist i këtij grupi guerilas i njohur me emrin Muxhahidin- Khalq ose MEK.

Ndërsa në shkrimin e dytë gazeta kanadeze National Post tregon hisrinë se si edhe Mohammad Mohammady vëllai i Sommayeh iu bashkua MEK edhe ai me bekimin e të jatit. “Pas kësaj familja Mohammady menduan të dërgonin djalin e tyre Mohammed në Irak për të kërkuar Somayeh dhe për ta sjellë në shtëpi” shkruan Stewart Bell.  “Dhe ky ishte gabimi im i dytë”, thotë Mostafa babai i Somayeh e cila ndodhet ende me MEK në Shqipëri ndërsa i biri Mohammady i është bashkuar familjes në Kanada.

Kampi Ashraf

Shkrimi i parë i gazetarit kanadez me titull “Adoleshentët kanadezë rekrutohen për të përmbysur qeverinë iraniane”

Nga Stewart Bell, National Post/ 6 tetor 2006

Mostafa Mohammadi eshte me një foto të vajzës së tij Somayeh, 25 vjec, në shtëpinë e tij në Richmond Hill. Mohammadi po punon për lirimin e vajzës së tij…

Sommayeh Mohammadi u largua në vitin 1998, la shkollën në gjysëm dhe u largua nga Kanadaja në një kamp trajnimi guerilësh në Irak.

National Post gjatë një hetimi ka zbuluar se  Mujahedin-e Khalq rekrutoi adoleshentët në Kanada dhe i dërgoi ata jashtë vendit me qëllimin për të përmbysur qeverinë iraniane me forcë. Sot do të fillojmë një tregim prej pesë pjesësh dhe do të tregojmë për një familje kanadeze, që u përfshi thellë me guerilët në Irak dhe tani është penduar.

Videoja që luhet në televizorin e dhomës së ndenjës së Mostafa Mohammadit tregon vajzën e tij, Sommayeh me një uniormë ushtarake dhe flokët e saj të  futur në një shami.

Kjo video është realizuar në fushat në veri të Bagdadit, në kompleksin guerilas i quajtur Kampi Ashraf, ku Somayeh jeton aktualisht.

Somayeh ishte studente në Etobicoke Collegiate Institute, deri në klasën e 10 ku e la përgjysëm për t’u bashkuar me guerilasit në Irak. Përgjatë gjithë këtyre viteve të largimit të saj prindërit kanë bërë shumë për ta kthyer në Kanada. Ata kanë shkruar shumë letra lutëse për komandantët guerilë dhe qeverinë kanadeze. Po ashtu prindërit e Somayeh kanë udhëtuar në Irak katër herë.

Por ajo është ende atje.

“Truri i saj është shpelarë. Qeveria kanadeze duhet ta marrë atë nga atje, e dimë që motra ime nuk është terroriste”, tha vëllai i saj i vogël Morteza.

Prindërit e Somayeh janë nervozë dhe shumë të shqetësuar. Ata janë të shkatërruar, sepse vajza e tyre është anëtare e kësaj organizate, Gjithashtu ata ndjehen fajtorë, sepse në njëfarë mënyre ishin shkaku që vajza e tyre u bë pjesë e kësaj organizate.

“U besova atyre. Në kohën kur dërgova vajzën time unë u besoja atyre… Mendova se kjo organizatë respektonte të drejtat e njeriut dhe nuk mendova se do të bënin të njejtën gjë që bëri Khomeini me popullin  e tij”, u shpreh Mostafa, një ish-aktivist i këtij grupi guerilas i njohur me emrin Muxhahidin- Khalq ose MEK.

National Post gjatë një hetimi zbuloi se MEK dërgoi rekrutues në Kanada për të rekrutuar adoleshentët dhe për t’i dërguar në Kampin Ashraf, ku ata ishin të armatosur dhe të trajnuar për të përmbysur qeverinë iraniane me forcë.

Një grup iranian në Toronto, Qendra për Mendim, Dialog dhe të Drejtat e Njeriut në Iran, thotë se tre djem dhe shtatë vajza nën moshën 18 vjeç u dërguan në Ashraf.

Deri më sot, vetëm një kanadez dihet se është kthyer në Kanada nga Ashraf, ndersa të tjerët mbetën brenda këtij kampi të paaftë të largohen. Mes tyre është edhe Somayeh.

Familja e Mostafa Mohammadit u largua nga Teherani pasi u përball me një diktaturë të ngurtë të mullahëve. Revolucioni islamik i vitit 1979 i Khomeinit në fillim pati një mbështetje të gjërë, por më pas u shfaq zhgënjimi.

MEK, i udhëhequr nga Massoud Rajavi, kishte qenë një nga mbështetësit më të fortë të revoltës për të zhvendosur Shahun, i cili i parapriu sundimit të Khomeinit. Por kur Khomeini nisi një goditje ndaj grupeve të opozitës, MEK u kthye kundër regjimit të ri dhe filloi të vrasë zyrtarët kryesorë qeveritarë dhe të rrëmbente aeroplanët iranianë.

Në Teheran Mostafa ishte përkrahës i MEK, megjithëse ai tha se asnjëherë nuk ishte anëtar, vetëm një përkrahës që shpërndante literatura të tyre dhe përpiqej të bindte të tjerët për t’iu bashkuar MEK.

Kunati i tij, Hadi Hamzeh Dolabi, u bashkua me MEK, por u arrestua në vitin 1981 dhe u ekzekutua nga rojet revolucionare të Khomeinit tre vjet më vonë. Gjithashtu edhe një kunatë e tij iu bashkua MEK, por u vra në vitin 1988.

Duke qenë në rrezik dhe i frikësuar për jetën e tij Mostafa së bashku me familjen e tij u largua në Turqi në vitin 1992. 18 muaj më vonë ata fituan statusin e refugjatit dhe në shtator të vitit 1994 fluturuan për në Amsterdam e më pas në Toronto.

Dy muajt e parë ata jetuan në një strehë refugjatësh në Scarborough dhe më pas u vendosën në banesën e tyre në Etobikoke.

Në pranverën e vitit 1994 Mostafa iu bashkua një komuniteti për të festuar Vitin e Ri iranian dhe aty u ftua në një zyrë në Toronto nga disa aktivistë mbështetës të MEK.

Nga jashtë zyra e tyre dukej si një shtëpi e zakonshme në një lagje banimi. Por, brenda të gjithë mbanin uniforma të MEK dhe muret ishin zbukuruar me flamuj dhe portrete të MEK-ut nga Rajavi dhe gruaja e tij, Merjem.

Kjo ishte shtëpia që shërbeu si selia e mbështetjes të grupit guerilas, MEK. Nga kjo shtëpi MEK-u organizoi protesta dhe fitoi shumë para.

Mostafa tashmë i pranishëm në këtë shtëpi shikonte filma propagandistikë me gruan dhe fëmijët e tij, ndersa mori pjesë edhe në diskutimet në grup.

MEK i etur për të parë përmbysjen e regjimit iranian e fajësonte atë për vdekjen e disa anëtarëve të tij dhe Mostafa i pajtuar me MEK filloi të mblidhte para për kauzën.  Ai shkonte derë më derë duke treguar fotografi të fëmijëve duke qarë dhe histori se si prindërit  e tyre ishin ekzekutuar nga regjimi iranian. Të shtunave dhe të dielave Mostafa shoqërohej edhe nga vajza e tij Somayeh, e cila në atë kohë ishte 13 apo 14 vjec. Në vitin 1997, MEK filloi të rekrutonte ushtare njerez, sepse ata që kishte me pare ishin plakur dhe kishte nevojë për të rinj për të ringjallur Ushtrinë Popullore.

Rekrutuesja, e cila shkoi në Kanada ishte një grua e imët me syze dhe shami. Ajo quhej Mazia. Vëmendja e Mazia-s filloi të përqëndrohej tek Somayeh. Ata folën së bashku dhe Mazia i tregoi Somayeh foto të kampit Ashraf duke  e përshkruar si një vend shumë të këndëshëm.

Mazia e bindi Somayeh që të merrte pjesë në një demonstratë në Uashington dhe më 30 qershor 1997, ajo kaloi kufirin dhe udhëtoi në Pirayesh, baza sekrete e MEK-ut.

Somayeh u kthye sërish në Toronto dhe filloi klasën e 10, por ajo e la në gjysëm për të përfunduar si anëtare e MEK. Ajo ishte vetëm 17 vjeçe, por Kreu i Rrjetit të rekrutuesve, Sima i tha Mostafa se vajza e tij do të kthehej në mënyrë të sigurtë pas një muaji.

Mostafa kishte opinion të mirë për MEK-un dhe në atë periudhë muxhahedinët ende nuk ishin klasifikuar si grup terrorist.

“Ne menduam se ata ishin një grup nacionalist që donte të rrëzonte qeverinë iraniane. Menduam se ishte si kampet e tjera që drejtoheshin nga njerëz të mirë, prandaj unë pranova që vajza ime të shkonte atje”, tha Mostafa.

Somayeh tha se prindërit e saj kanë paguar edhe biletën e saj të udhëtimit, por Mostafa e mohoi këtë. 

“Nuk kisha para. Zyra amerikane e MEK bleu biletën”, këmbënguli ai.

“Mendoj se qëllimi ishte vetëm të mashtrojë disa të rinj dhe t’i çojë atje. Në atë kohë nuk e dija”, tha ai.

Vëllai i Somayeh Mohammad i bashkohet asaj në Kampin Ashraf

Shkrimi i dytë i gazetarit kanadez për çështjen e muxhahidinëve me titullin “Humbja e një djali”.

Somayeh Mohammad dhe i vëllai, kampi i Ashraf

Stewart Bell26 Gusht, 14:38 | Përditesimi i fundit: 27 Gusht, 11:40

Stewart Bell, National Post/ E hënë, 25 shtator 2006

National Post nëpërmjet një hetimi ka zbuluar se grupi terrorist Mujahedin-e Khalq rekrutoi adoleshentët në Kanada dhe i dërgoi ata jashtë vendit për të përmbysur me forcë qeverinë iraniane. Në pjesën e dytë të tregimit do të flasim për një familje kanadeze, e cila u përfshi thellësisht në këtë organizatë.

Nervoz dhe shumë i menduar, Mohammad Mohammady edhe pse shumë i ri në moshë ka pamjen e dikujt, që ka kaluar shumë. Pesë vjet në një kamp guerilësh do të thonë shumë për një person.

Në moshën 16 vjeçare, Mohammadi u largua nga Toronto dhe u kthye në kampin Ashraf, selia e armatosur që luftonte për të përmbysur qeverinë shtypëse të Iranit.

Prindërit e tij, Mostafa dhe Robabe, ishin refugjatë nga Irani dhe mbështetësit e militantëve, të njohur si Organizata e Luftëtarëve të Lirisë të Popullit iranian. Nëpër intervistat e tij të para, kur u kthye në Kanada, Mohammad tha se shkoi i vetëm në kampin Ashraf për një arsye: të sjellë në shtëpi motrën e tij, Somayeh.

Somayeh kishte braktisur klasën e 10-të në Etobicoke Collegiate Institute në vitin 1998 dhe kishte udhëtuar në kampin Ashraf. Guerilët i kishin thënë prindërve se vajza do të rrinte vetëm katër javë.

Por kaloi një muaj e pas tij edhe shumë të tjerë. Megjithatë, nuk kishte asnjë shenjë të Somayeh; nuk ka letra, as telefonata. Familja Mohammady filloi të thërrasë zyrën e fshehtë të guerilasve në Virxhinia, por nuk mundën të merrnin një përgjigje të drejtë.

“Ajo e pëlqen kampin dhe do të qëndrojë aty”, u tha njëri nga komandantët më në fund prindërve të Somayeh.  

Luftëtarët e Lirisë ose siç quhen shkurt MEK, gëzonin mbështetje të gjerë mes refugjatëve iranianë në Kanada dhe Mostafa ishte njëri prej këtyre mbështetësve. Somayeh kishte shkuar në kampin Ashraf me lejen e tij, por ai tha se kurrë nuk kishte për qëllim që ajo të bashkohej me këtë organizatë guerilase.

“Ajo nuk shkoi atje për t’u bashkuar me ta. E dërgova atje për të parë kampin për pushime… Ky ishte gabimi më i madh që kam bërë ndonjëherë në jetën time”, tha Mostafa.

Ndjenja e frikës për të lajmëruar qeverinë kanadeze, i bëri që ti thonë miqve dhe fqinjëve se vajza e tyre ishte në një program shkëmbimi në Francë. Pas kësaj familja Mohammady menduan të dërgonin djalin e tyre Mohammed në Irak për të kërkuar Somayeh dhe për ta sjellë në shtëpi.

“Dhe ky ishte gabimi im i dytë”, thotë Mostafa.

Mohammadi ishte shumë i lidhur me Somayeh dhe ai donte që ajo të kthehej në Kanada. Ai udhëtoi në Pirayesh, në organizatën e MEK pranë Uashington D.C.

Krerët e MEK-ut i thanë Mohammedit se mund të shkonte në Kampin Ashraf. Ai mund të shihte motrën e tij, të shihte kampin dhe të kthehej. Muxhahedinët ia paguan edhe bileta e avionit. 

Ai u nis dhe ndoqi të njejtën rrugë, që e motra e kishte ndjekur vitin e kaluar. MEK e shoqëroi atë nga Amani dhe e dërgoi në kampin Ashraf, një kamp që shtrihet gjashtë kilometra mbi fushat në veri të Bagdatit.

Katër mijë anëtarë të MEK-ut kanë jetuar në kamp, të gjithë të veshur me kostum të gjelbër. Ata kishin ardhur nga e gjithë bota; shumë prej tyre ishin emigrantë iranianë nga Perëndimi. Mohammadi beson se rreth 100 prej tyre ishin nga Kanadaja.

Jeta e kampit ishte shumë e rreptë

Burrat dhe gratë ndaheshin rreptësisht në sektorë të ndryshëm të kampit. Edhe buka kishte orare të veçanta për burrat dhe gratë.

Zgjimi ishte në orën 4 të mëngjesit. Burrat duhet të rruheshin dhe bënin dush para mëngjesit që hahej në orën 4:30. Në orën 5:30 duhej të punonin, pastronin rezervuarë apo punonin në ara.

Dreka shtrohej nga ora 10 deri në orën 11:30. Pas saj flinin ose lexonin.

Pasditet u kushtoheshin seancave të indoktrinimit politik. Në orën 7:30 ishte koha e ushtrimeve. Ata luanin futboll ose garonin me njëri-tjetrin. Darka ishte në orën 9:30. Më pas bënin një dush dhe shtriheshin.

Sipas Canadian Security Intelligence Service, MEK përdor “propagandën e brendshme” për të indoktrinuar anëtarët e saj. Rekrutët duhet të jenë besnikë ndaj shefit të tyre të MEK-ut, Maryam Rajavi. Duhet të shqiptojnë besnikërinë e tyre ndaj shefit të MEK-ut Maryam Rajavi, e cila sëbashku me bashkëshortin e saj Massoudin kërkojnë që ata gjatë betimit të tyre të thonë: “Irani është Rajavi, Rajavi është Irani, Maryam është Irani”.

Një raport i klasifikuar si CSIS i marrë nga National Post  thotë se, “Kjo propagandë e brendshme ka shërbyer për të nxitur një atmosferë të ngjashme me kultin, sa që shumë anëtarë të MEK-ut e shohin Rajavinë sikur të jetë vetë Zoti”.

Dy javë pasi mbërriti në kampin Ashraf, Muhammedi ende nuk e kishte parë motrën e tij.  “Ajo është e zënë”, “Nuk është këtu”, “Duhet kohë”, “Sot është e sëmurë”, këto ishin justifikimet e anëtarëve të MEK, thotë Muhammedi.

Ata u takuan së bashku vetëm pas një muaji, nën vëzhgimin e dy komandantëve të MEK-ut. Somayeh pyeti për prindërit e saj, por gjithashtu shprehu edhe mbështetjen e saj për krerët e MEK-ut, Masoud dhe Maryam Rajavinë.

“Ajo nuk ishte e lumtur,” thotë ai.

Muhammedi u përpoq të bindte motrën e tij të largohet nga kampi, por nuk ia arriti qëllimit dhe kështu ai shprehu dëshirën për t’u larguar nga kampi. Ai nuk kishte as pasaportë dhe as biletë avioni sepse MEK ia kishte marrë të dyja. Edhe nëse arratisej nga kampi ai nuk kishte mundësi tjetër për të shkuar vecse në Irak.

Gjatë qëndrimit në kamp ai iu nënshtrua trajnimit të armëve të vogla si AK-47 (kallashnikov) dhe punonte me motorët e makinave të kampit, por kurrë nuk kishte marrë pjesë në operacionet ushtarake. “Unë isha me Muxhahidinët, por nuk isha anëtar”, thotë ai.

Vizitat e tij në kamp me të motrën ishin shumë të rralla, takoheshin vetëm njëherë në vit në festimet e Vitit të Ri persian.

Ndërkohë familja Mohammady priste që Mohammadi të sillte në shtëpi të motrën, por kur javët kalonin prindërit e tyre kuptonin se ata kanë patur të njejtin fat.

“Ai u rekrutua nga MEK-u” tha Mostafa.

Familjarët Mohammady u bënë qytetarë kanadezë më 23 qershor 2000. Morën certifikatat e nënshkruara nga ministri i emigracionit, Elinor Caplan, i cili tha: “Mirësevini në familjen kanadeze”.

Por familja e tyre ishte në hall të madh. Mostafa vazhdonte të ishte ende aktiv në rrjetin e MEK-ut në Kanada, duke marrë pjesë në demonstratat e tyre, por vetëm sepse mendonte se vetëm kështu do të arrinte të shpëtonte vajzën dhe djalin e tij.

Ndërsa MEK-u rriti sulmet e tij në 2001, rojet revolucionare të Iranit luftuan ndaj tyre me raketa që synonin gjashtë kampet e MEK-ut në Irak. Një duzinë raketash goditën kampin Ashraf.

Mohammadi edhe një herë kërkoi të largohej nga kampi në vitin 2001, por ai tha se MEK-u nuk toleronte “dëbimet”. Muhammedi u vendos përballë një grupi njerëzish, që e denonconin dhe e shanin. Para këtij presioni ai uli kokën, duke pranuar të qëndronte në kamp.

Në një intervistë ai tregon se gjatë një vizite në kampin e tij, Massoud Rajavi mbajti një fjalim, në të cilin ai kishte thënë se kushdo që la MEK-un do të vritet. (Mohammadi ka frikë për jetën e tij dhe nuk pranon që as të fotografohet për këtë artikull).

Mostafa shumë i shqetësuar për fëmijët e tij vendosi t’i shkruante një letër Rajavit duke iu drejtuar si “vëllai Massoud dhe motra Maryam”.

“Ju uroj shëndet dhe mirëqenie të mirë nën kujdesin e Imam Mehdiut dhe shpresojmë që nën udhëheqjen tuaj të heqim nga vendi ynë pushtetin çnjerëzor të mullahëve në Iran,” shkroi ai.

“Vëlla dhe motër e nderuar, ne, Mustafa dhe Mahboobeh Mohammadi, me përulësi ju kërkojmë të lehtësoni takimin tonë me fëmijët tanë, Somayeh dhe Mohammed gjatë Festës së Krishtlindjeve.

Me dëshirat më të zjarrta për ju dhe fitore për lëvizjen në Vitin e Ri, ne e vlerësojmë ndihmën tuaj në këtë çështje”, vazhdon shkrimin e tij më tej.

Ai kurrë nuk mori një përgjigje.

Artikulli i gazetes i gazetës kanadeze

Letra e babait për të birin

Në emër të Zotit,

Me përshëndetje të zjarrta për të gjithë pjesëtarët e “Ushtrisë së Lirisë” të cilët po përpiqen për largimin e regjimit çnjerëzor në Iran dhe për ju, djali im i dashur.

Unë dëshiroj që ju të jeni mirë dhe kudo që jeni të mbroheni nga i Plotfuqishmi dhe Imam Mehdiu.

I dashur Mohammed nëse je i shqetësuar për ne të siguroj që jemi mirë dhe dhimbja jonë e vetme është fakti që ti dhe Somayeh jeni larg nesh.

I dashur Mohammad nënës tuaj i mungoni shumë dhe ne e ngushëllojmë veten duke parë disa filma që i kemi nga ju. Motra juaj e vogël, Hurieh, po rritet shpejt dhe vazhdon të pyesë gjithmonë për ty dhe motrën e saj të madhe. Ajo lutet për të dy ju, cdo natë.

Vëllai juaj i vogël është rritur gjithashtu dhe vazhdimisht shpreh ndjenjat dhe shqetësimet për ju.

I dashur Mohammad unë e di se nuk keni kohë të lirë për të na shkruar, sepse në kurrë nuk kemi marrë ndonjë letër nga ju.

Megjithëse do të ishim të lumtur të dëgjonim për ju, pasi është e vështirë të besohet se jeni kaq të zënë për të shkruar një letër dhe kjo na shqetëson. Ju e dini që shkrimi juaj i dorës na bën të lumtur.

Shqetësimet tona vijnë pas faktit që ne kemi provuar të marrim cdo informacion të mundshëm për dhe nuk kemi mundur. Ju lutem na shkruani me shkrimin tuaj ose na telefononi sa më shpejt të jetë e mundur. Nëse nuk dëgjojmë sa më shpejt për ju, nuk kemi zgjidhje tjetër përvecse të shtyjmë cdo buton të mundshëm për të marrë një informacion.

Pra, të lutem, ose ti ose motra jote të kontaktoni me ne dhe të na konfirmoni shëndetin dhe sigurinë tuaj.

Me shpresën që t’ju shoh sa më parë që të jetë e mundur dhe për të parë rënien e regjimit ç’njerëzor në Iran,

Zoti ju bekoftë

Babai yt Mustafa dhe Mahboobeh!

Të Martën në

Në pjesën e tretë të serialit, “Fëmijët e ‘Rezistencës’ gazetari kanadez Stewart Bell tregon se si një baba merr masa ekstreme për të nxjerrë djalin dhe vajzën nga kthetrat e guerrilasve.

Gazetari kanadez Stewart Bell

Dalja nga kampi në Irak i Mohammadit, vëllait të Someyah

Massod Rajavi në kamp disa vite më parë: “Dezertorët do të gjenden dhe do të vriten”.

Massoud Rajavi

Stewart Bell28 Gusht, 14:17 | Përditesimi i fundit: 28 Gusht, 14:36

Stewart Bell, National Post, E mërkurë, 27 shtator 2006

I ndërtuar në shtatë kodra në veri të Detit të Vdekur, Ammani është i njohur për rrënojat romake dhe furrat e bukës që shesin ëmbëlsira arabe shumë të shijshme. Që nga viti 2003, kryeqyteti jordanez është bërë gjithashtu edhe një qendër për ushtarët e vendosur përreth zonës se luftës në Irak. Të huajt që shkojnë në Amman janë kryesisht ushtarakë, kontraktorë dhe gazetarë, por në prill të vitit 2006, një kanadez me emrin Mostafa Mohammady mbërriti në kryeqytetin jordanez me një mision personal. Ky baba 49 vjecar nga Richmond Hill kur zbriti në Aeroportin Ndërkombëtar të Queen Alia kishte vetëm një synim: Nxjerrjen e së bijës, Somayeh nga kampi Ashraf dhe ta dërgonte atë në shtëpinë e saj.

Në vitin 1998, Somayeh, 17 vjeç ishte larguar nga Etobicoke Collegiate Institute dhe fluturoi në Irak për t’u bashkuar me Muxhahidin-e Khalq (MEK), një ushtri e vetëshpallur “popullore” që luftonte për të përmbysur regjimin shtypës të Iranit që kishte marrë pushtet në 1979.

Pas Somayehs, ishte djali i Mostafës, Mohammadi 16 vjeç, që shkoi në kampin e guerilasve.

Ndërsa vitet kalonin dhe asnjëri prej fëmijëve të Mostafës nuk po kthehej në shtëpi, Mostafa u detyrua të ndërmarrë një fushatë të rrezikshme dhe të kushtueshme për ti kthyer fëmijë në shtëpi. Në vitin 2002 ai udhëtoi për në Damask duke marrë një autobus në kufirin irakian. Fjeti në kufi për tre netë dhe u kthye mbrapa, sepse nuk kishte vizë.

Dhjetë ditë përpara se trupat amerikane të pushtonin Irakun në vitin 2003, Mostafa më në fund arriti në selinë ushtarake të MEK-ut, kampin Ashraf dhe vizitoi fëmijët e tij.

Në kampin Ashraf ai u takua me komandantët guerilas dhe qëllimi i tij ishte t’i pyeste se si mund t’i merrte fëmijët në shtëpi. Por, ai nuk e bërë këtë gjë pasi i biri iu lut që të mos e hapi këtë temë, sepse kishte frike se do të shkaktonte probleme. Mostafai qëndroi në kamp për rreth një javë dhe më pas u largua pa fëmijët.

Pak muaj pasi SHBA-të përmbysën Saddam Husseinin, Mostafa u kthye sërish në kampin Ashraf. Këtë herë me vete ai kishte një videokamera ku filmoi disa momente të jetës brenda kampit guerilas. Filmimet e tij përfshinin: Gra me uniforma ushtarake dhe me shami në kokë që bisedonin, meshkuj me uniformë, një njëri të armatosur dhe vendin ku ata gatuanin.

“Është si një bazë ushtarake,” thotë Mostafa.

Kampi Ashraf në fakt ngjante si një qytet i vogël. Ai kishte ndërtesa banimi, dy spitale, kopshte dhe objekte sportive që i shërbenin rreth 4000 banorëve. Kampi Ashraf kishte edhe një kampus universitar, një impiant për pastrimin e ujit, dhe madje edhe faqen e vet të internetit.

Pushtimi i SHBA-së i solli një fund të papritur luftës së MEK-ut kundër regjimit iranian. Amerikanët çarmatosën grupin duke konfiskuar mijëra armë. Por komanda rebele i shkurajoi gurrelasit e rrinjë që të mos “dezertonin”.

Gjatë kësaj periudhe, në vitin 2004 Somayeh kontaktoi ambasadën kanadeze në Jordani të cilës i tha se donte të thehej në Kanada, por ishte e shqetësuar për vëllain e saj më të vogël Mohammadit. Në letër ajo i kërkoi qeverisë kanadeze që ta ndihmonte të kthehej në Toronto.

“Do të doja t’ju kërkoja ta ndihmonit vëllain tim të kthehej në Kanada. Unë kam gjashtë muaj që po pres një përgjigje nga ju dhe nuk ma merrte mendja që do të vonoheshit kaq shumë”, shkroi ajo në persisht.

“Kam qenë e stresuar gjithë kohën, duke menduar që ju do kujdeseshit për atë. Përveç të qenit qytetar kanadezi, ai kërkon të kthehet te babai, nëna, vëllai dhe motra e tij.”

“Kërkesa e vetme që kam është që ta ndihmoni të kthehet sa më shpejt në familjen tonë, para se t’i ndodhë diçka e keqe”, kishte shkruar Somayeh në letrën e saj drejtuar qeverisë kanadeze.

MEK e dinte se Mohammadi ishte i pakënaqur në kamp. Në vend që ta linin të lirë ata e mbyllën në një kontenier, tregon Mohammadi në një intervistë eksluzive për National Post.

I mbyllur në kontenier ai merrte vetëm një gotë çaj çdo mëngjes dhe në orën 3:00 merrte bukë, djathë dhe një gotë ujë. Këtu ai kishte kaluar momente shumë të vështira, ku kishte humbur shumë peshë dhe mendonte se do të vdiste.

“Nuk kisha shpresë,” thotë ai.

Por pas 21 ditësh, Mohammedi ishte liruar dhe kishte telefonuar babanë e tij në Toronto.

“Më jep 14 ditë”, i kishte thënë Mostafa.

Komandantët e MEK-ut i kishin thënë Mohammedit se Mustafai nuk do të vinte. Por më vonë, Mohammedi dëgjoi se babai i tij ishte në Jordani dhe do të mbërrinte në Ashraf për disa orë.

Mostafai kishte arritur në kamp në orën 8 të mengjesit, ku një komandante femër i kishte thënë Mohammadit të largohej. Aty babë e bir ishin përqafuar. Dyzet e pesë ditë më vonë Muhammedi kishte arritur të largohej nga kampi Ashraf për në Jordani. Ai kishte kaluar dy javë me nënën e tij në Amman dhe më 20 dhjetor 2004 ishte kthyer në Kanada. Ai kishte qenë me guerilët për pesë vjet. Një javë para se të largohej prej aty një komandant i kishte thënë të mos fliste asgjë të keqe për MEK-un, sepse nëse do e bënte, do e zinte belaja, thotë Mohammadi në intervistë.

Se çfarë do i ndodhte tamam nuk i kishin treguar, por kujton se çfarë kishte thënë kreu i MEK-ut, Massod Rajavi në kamp disa vite më parë: “Dezertorët do të gjenden dhe do të vriten”. Edhe në shtëpinë e tij në Toronto Mohammedi ndihej i frikësuar pasi kishte filluar të merrte kërcënime nga mbështetësit e MEK-ut, pasi ai kishte braktisur “luftëtarët e lirisë”. Ata e kishin akuzuar si spiun të regjimit iranian, një akuzë që MEK-u përdor rëndom për të poshtëruar anëtarët që braktisin organizatën.

Ndërsa MEK-u dhe qeveria iraniane luftonin me tanke dhe kallashnikovë përgjatë kufirit Iran-Irak, ata luftonin me propaganda kundër njëri tjetrin në qytetet perëndimore. Ashtu sikur MEK-u që përdor propagandën dhe shpifjet për t’i bërë të heshtin kritikët e tij, Ministria e Inteligjencës dhe Sigurisë, shërbimi sekret brutal i Iranit, punonte për të diskredituar muxhahidinët. Duke operuar jashtë ambasadave iraniane ne kryeqytetet perëndimore, agjentët iranianë po i afroheshin dhe shfrytëzonin familjet e anëtarëve të kampit Ashraf, një taktikë që në botën e spiunazhit njihet si aktivitet për influencë të jashtme.

Mostafa tha se kurrë nuk ka folur me vetëdije me asnjë agjent iranian, apo edhe me oficerë kanadezë të inteligjencës. Ai tha se ishte kontaktuar vitin e kaluar nga një njeri i dyshuar që punonte me iranianët, por Mostafa tregon se ai nuk ishte në dijeni se ai ishte agjent, nuk i zuri besë dhe nuk pranoi ofertën e tij. Mostafa tha se pranoi të intervistohej për përfshirjen e familjes së tij në MEK, sepse ai mendonte se publiciteti mund të ushtronte presion mbi qeverinë kanadeze për të sjellë vajzën e tij në Toronto.

Në pranverë 2006, Mostafa vendosi të shkonte sërish në Irak.  Fluturoi për në Jordani dhe priti në rradhë në ambasadën e Irakut përditë që nga ora 8 e mëngjesit duke shpresuar për një vizë. Përditë largohej në 2.30 pm pa asnjë vizë. Ambasada kanadeze i dha Mostafës një letër prezantimi (vetëm pasi ai kishte nënshkruar një memorandum ku pranonte rrezikun e udhëtimit për në Irak), por edhe kjo nuk e ndihmoi që të marrë vizë.

Duke kërkuar një rrugë tjetër për të shkuar në Irak, Mostafa shkoi në Turqi dhe punësoi një vendas për ta nxjerrë përtej kufirit, por trafikanti u tërhoq pasi i tha Mostafës që kjo ishte shumë e rrezikshme. Situata e sigurisë në Irak u përkeqësua. Bombat me telekomandë shpërthenin përgjatë autostradave dhe ato e bënin udhëtimin si një rule ruse. Një bombë e këtillë i mori jetën një duzine punonjësish irakenë që punonin në kampin Ashraf. Sikur mund të shihet marrja e vizës nga ambasada irakene nuk ishte i vetmi hall i Mostafës ndërsa ai priste në Amman.

Atij do i duhej që të bindte edhe Somayen që të kthehej në Kanada, pasi ajo kishte shpenzuar pjesën më të madhe të dekadës së fundit me guerrilasit, dhe në disa raste ishte e mëdyshur për tu kthyer.

Sfida tjetër e e Mostafës ishte t’i bindte muxhahidinët ta linin Somayen të largohej prej kampit, dhe sipas shumë hetuesish për të drejtat e njeriut, komanda e MEK-ut i burgose dhe i torturonte “dezertorët”. Por, edhe nëse ai arrinte ta merrte Somayen nga kampi Ashraf ai kishte një tjetër pengesë: Departamenti i Emigracionit të Kanadasë.

Saga/ Babai i muxhahedines në Manzë, në 2003 tentoi të flijohej që MEK t’i lironte të bijën

Dy shkrimet e tjera të gazetarit kanadez Stewart Bell, sakrifica e babait dhe si doli nga kampi në Irak i Mohammadit, vëllait të Someyah.

Mustafa Mohammady dhe e bija Somayeh Mohammady

Stewart Bell28 Gusht, 14:08 | Përditesimi i fundit: 28 Gusht, 14:43 publikon sot dy artikuj të tjerë ku dalë në dritë fakte të reja rreth sagës së Somaye Mohammady e cila ka prodhuar një përplasje të fortë mes prindërve të saj që kanë ardhur në Shqipëri ta takuar dhe MEK që thotë se kjo familje punon për interesat e Iranit. Të dy artikujt janë botuat në gazetën kanadeze National Post nga gazetari Stewart Bell. Në këtë shkrim të tretë të një seri prej gjashtë investigimesh tregohet sakrifica e Mustafa Mohammady babait të Somayeh i cili vetëm e vetëm që e bija të lirohej nga MEK tentoi të vetëdigjej pasi u lye me benzinë përpara ambasadës franceze në Kanada. Pjesa e katër e kësaj serie shkrimesh tregon për një familje kanadeze, që u përfshi thellë në grupin gueril iranian – por tani është penduar. Në këtë shkrim gazetari Stewart Bell tregon kalvarin e gjatë të përpjekjeve për të nxjerrë nga kampi vëllain e Somayeh, Mohammadin.

“MEK e dinte se Mohammadi ishte i pakënaqur në kamp. Në vend që ta linin të lirë ata e mbyllën në një kontenier, tregon Mohammadi në një intervistë ekskluzive për National Post.  I mbyllur në kontejner ai merrte vetëm një gotë çaj çdo mëngjes dhe në orën 3:00 merrte bukë, djathë dhe një gotë ujë. Këtu ai kishte kaluar momente shumë të vështira, ku kishte humbur shumë peshë dhe mendonte se do të vdiste” thekson gazetari Stwart Bell. Gjashtë vite pas publikimit të këtyre shkrimeve organizata MEK në Shtator 2012 u nxorr nga lista organizatave terroriste të OKB pasi u dakortësuan të heqin dorë nga sulmet terroriste po ashtu edhe të de-radikalizohen.

Sakrifica e babait, Stewart Bell, National Post, E martë, 26 shtator 2006

Një iranian i kishte vendosur zjarrin vetes së tij në Romë për të protestuar kundër goditjes së qeverisë franceze ndaj MEK-ut.

National Post nëpërmjet një hetimi ka zbuluar se grupi i jashtëligjshëm terrorist Mujahedin-e Khalq rekrutoi adoleshentë në Kanada dhe i dërgoi jashtë vendit për të përmbysur me forcë qeverinë iraniane.

Sot në pjesën e tretë do të flasim për një familje kanadeze që u përfshi thellë në grupin e guerilasve dhe më pas u pendua.

Në orën 11 të mëngjesit më 19 qershor 2003, Mustafa Mohammady kishte ndaluar makinën e tij në Sussex Drive në Otava, kishte hapur derën e shoferit dhe i ishte drejtuar ambasadës franceze.

Në njërën dorë mbante një kuti benzine dhe në tjetrën një çakmak.

Dy ditë më parë, policia franceze anti-terroriste kishte arrestuar Maryam Rajavin, udhëheqësen e Muxhahidin-e Khalq, grupit terrorist që po lufton për të përmbysur qeverinë iraniane.

MEK-u kishte mobilizuar të gjithë mbështetësit e saj, duke i urdhëruar të dilnin në rrugë në shenjë proteste. Në këtë kohë në ambasadën franceze në Londër një grua me emrin Neda Hassani kishte vdekur pasi i kishte vënë zjarrin vetes.

Protestuesit ishin mbledhur jashtë ambasadës franceze duke bërtitur dhe me pankarta në duar. Në këtë demonstrim merrte pjesë edhe Mostafa.

Mostafa në një intervistë deklaroi se kishte shkuar në ambasadë pas marrjes së një thirrjeje nga një aktivist i MEK-ut me emrin Sima.

Sima i kishte thënë se arrestimi i znj. Rajavi ishte një fatkeqësi dhe nëse Mostafa nuk bënte diçka për lirimin e saj, fëmijët e tij do të ishin në rrezik.

Megjithëse Mostafa kishte qenë një aktivist i MEK-ut në Iran dhe Kanada, tha se ndoqi udhëzimet jo nga ndonjë përkushtim i zellshëm për kauzën, por sepse mendonte se kështu do të ndihmonte vajzën dhe djalin e tij.

“Gjithçka ka të bëjë për fëmijët e mi”, tha ai.

Në vitin 1998, vajza e tij 17-vjeçare, Somayeh, një studente e në shkollë të mesme në Etobicoke ishte rekrutuar nga MEK-u. Vetëm një vit më pas djali i Mostafait, Mohammadi u bashkua me të në kampin Ashraf.

Fëmijët e tij kishin bërë katër vite që qëndronin atje dhe nuk ishin kthyer.

Kampi Ashraf ishte një kompleks i madh paramilitar 100 kilometra në perëndim të kufirit iranian. Saddam Husseini i kishte dhënë tokën MEK-ut, që ta përdorte si terren për sulmin ndërkufitar në Iran.

Muxhahidinët në Kampin Ashraf e konsideronin veten si shpresën e vetme të Iranit kundër ekstremistëve fetarë, të cilët kishin marrë pushtetin në revolucionin islamik të vitit 1979. Por, MEK-u kishte shumë pak mbështetje popullore brenda Iranit dhe kishte pak ose aspak shanse për të fituar. 

Pastaj amerikanët pushtuan Irakun.

Brenda pak javësh me fillimin e operacionit Liria e Irakut, ushtria amerikane pushtoi kampin Ashraf dhe çarmatosi MEK-un. Pas ç’armatosjes dhe marrjes së 10,000 armëve të vogla dhe 300 tankeve, MEK-u kishte marrë fund.

Në këtë kohë çdo anëtar i MEK-ut, që donte të largohej nga kampi Ashraf ishte lënë i lirë. Shumë prej tyre u larguan, ndërsa të tjerë qëndruan për shkak se kishin ende besim në këtë organizatë dhe ndoshta shumë të tjerë nuk kishin asnjë vend tjetër për të shkuar. I vetmi vend ku mund të shkonin ishte Irani, ku  e dinin mjaft mirë se do të ndaloheshin, torturoheshin ose vriteshin.

Por grupet e të drejtave të njeriut thonë se ka pasur një arsye tjetër pse ata nuk u larguan: MEK-u nuk do t’i lejonte ata. Human Rights Watch thotë se ata që u përpoqën të largoheshin nga Ashraf u etiketuan si “të zhdukur”, të burgosur dhe të torturuar, madje disa u vranë. MEK-u i ka hedhur poshtë këto akuza të cilësuara si gënjeshtra të spiunëve iranianë.

“Qeveria iraniane ka një raport të tmerrshëm për të drejtat e njeriut, por do të ishte një gabim i madh për të promovuar një grup opozitar që është përgjegjës për abuzime të rënda të të drejtave të njeriut”, tha Joe Stark i Human Rights Watch.

Në shtator të vitit 2003 ushtria amerikane hapi një kamp “Dezertorësh”. Ky kamp u quajt Temporary International Presence Facility dhe shërbente si një kamp tranzit për ish muxhahidinët, që u larguan nga kampi Ashraf dhe duan të kthehen në vendin e tyre të origjinës.

Një zyrtar kanadez i emigracionit me seli në Jordani, i cili vizitoi kampin e të zhdukurve, e përshkroi atë në një raport në Otava si një nga kampet më të mira për refugjatë. Kjo kishte ndodhur në vitin 2004, pasi më vonë aktivistët e të drejtave të njeriut thanë se kushtet ishin përkeqësuar dhe banorët janë të etur të dalin prej aty.

Ky kamp ka një hapësirë prej gjashtë hektarësh dhe më shumë se 200 muxhahedinë kanë lënë Ashrafin dhe jetojnë nën mbrojtjen e forcave amerikane.

Somayeh nuk ishte në mesin e tyre.

Somayeh kishte vendosur të mos shkonte në kampin e SHBA-së, por donte të kthehej në Kanada. Në vitin 2004 ajo i kishte drejtuar një letër ambasadës kanadeze në Amman, ku i kërkonte ndihmë për t’u kthyer në Toronto.

Në këtë kohë gjërat dukeshin të zymta për kampin Ashraf dhe sundimtarët e rinj të përkohshëm të Irakut donin që baza të ç’montohej dhe po flisnin për depërtimin e banorëve të kampit në Iran.

Arrestimi i Maryam Rajavit ishte një tjetër dëm për MEK-un, i cili konsiderohej tanimë një grup terrorist. Muxhahedinët vendosën të kundërpërgjigjen dhe pjesë e kësaj shfaqjeje duhet të ishte edhe Mostafa.

Më 5 prill 1992, rreth 40 njerëz të armatosur sulmuan ambasadën iraniane në Ottava për të protestuar ndaj një sulmi ajror mbi një bazë Muxhahidine në Irak.

Disa njerëz u plagosën. Shumica e demonstruesve ishin anëtarë të MEK-ut, sipas një raporti të Canadian Security Intelligence Service të marrë nga National Post.

“Sulmi i Otavës ndodhi disa orë pas bombardimeve në Irak, duke ilustruar nivelin e lartë të organizimit dhe angazhimit të MEK-ut brenda Kanadasë”, thuhet në raportin e CSIS.

Sulme të ngjashme u kryen njëkohësisht në ambasadat iraniane në 13 vende të tjera. Organizatori i sulmit të ambasadës së Otavës, Robab Farahi-Mahdavie, më vonë u deportua në Britani.

Njëmbëdhjetë vjet më vonë, arrestimi i Znj. Rajavi i kishte vënë ambasadat franceze në qendër të vëmendjes së MEK-ut. Në këtë kohë një komandant nga baza sekrete e MEK-ut kishte telefonuar Mostafën duke i thënë se kjo ishte periudha më e mirë, ku ai mund të bënte diçka.

Por, sipas disa deklaratave askush nuk i kishte thënë Mostafës t’i vinte zjarrin vetes, por ky i fundit mendonte se kjo ishte e vetmja mënyrë që muxhahidinët mund t’i lejonin fëmijët e tij të ktheheshin në Kanada.

Teksa i ishte afruar ambasadës franceze Mostafa kishte nxjerrë kavanozin me benzinë që mbante në dorë. Ndërsa derdhi benzinën mbi kokë ai bërtiste parrulla kundër qeverisë iraniane dhe u mundua t’i vinte zjarrin vetes. Por ndërhyrja e kalimtarëve në kohë, të cilët ia morrën nga dora çakmakun dhe e shtrinë në tokë, arriti ta shpëtojnë.

Kampi Ashraf abuzon me të drejtat e njeriut!

“Abuzimet me të drejtat e njeriut në organizatën Muhahedin-e Khalq kundrejt anëtarëve disidentë të saj shkonin nga izolimi i zgjatur dhe i vetmuar, në rrahje, abuzime verbale dhe psikologjike, rrëfime me dhunë për faje që ata nuk kanë bërë, kërcënime për vrasje, dhe tortura që në dy raste çuan në vdekje… …

“Dezertorët që kërkonin të largoheshin nga organizata arrestoheshin dhe mbaheshin brenda një kontanieri [rimorkiatorë të parafabrikuar]. Paraburgimi brenda këtyre kontanierësh ishte një formë dënimi i MEK-ut, për ata që konsideroheshin se kishin gabuar dhe duhet të reflektonin për gabimet e tyre… …

“Lloji i tretë i paraburgimit i raportuar nga dëshmitarët përfshinte burgim, torturë fizike dhe marrje në pyetje brenda burgjeve të fshehta në kuadër të kampeve të MEK-ut. Këto burgje përdoreshin kryesisht për persekutimin e disidentëve politikë, dhe ekzistenca e tyre ishte e panjohur për shumicën e anëtarëve. Kjo formë burgimi, thotë Human Rights Watch ishte e panjohur për shumë disidentë, deri sa ata e përjetuan vetë atë ferr.”

“Një nga dëshmitarët e intervistuar nga Human Rights Watch, Mohammad Hussein Sobhani, kishte kaluar tetë vjet e gjysëm në izolim, nga shtatori 1992 deri në janar të vitit 2001, brenda kampeve të MEK-ut. Një dëshmitar tjetër, Javaheri-Yar, i ishte nënshtruar për pesë vite burgimit ne izolim në burgjet e MEK-ut, nga nëntori 1995 deri në dhjetor 2000. Të dy ishin anëtarë të rangut të lartë që synonin të largoheshin nga organizata, por për shkak të njohurive të tyre të gjërave brenda, ata nuk mund të lejoheshin  ta bënin këtë.”

Burimi: “No Exit: Human Rights Abuses Inside the MKO Camps,” Human Rights Watch, Maj 2005.


Udhëheqësja e Muxhahidin-e Khalq, znj. Maryam Rajavi, e përshkroi raportin e Human Rights Watch kundër Organizatës Popullore Moxhahedin të Iranit, si një katalog i pohimeve të rreme dhe një shembull i turpshëm për të ndihmuar diktaturën fetare të Iranit.

Znj. Rajavi shtoi: “Ky raport nuk përmban asgjë të re. Këto janë një sërë akuzash nga agjentë të njohur të Ministrisë së Inteligjencës dhe Sigurisë të regjimit iranian. Nëse nuk është bërë asnjë hetim ndaj Këshillit Kombëtar të Rezistencës së Iranit për të sqaruar këtë raport, atëherë duket qartë axhenda politike që qëndron pas saj”.




Also read:

MEK members residing in Albania hit British journalist, local media reports (Mojahedin Khalq, Maryam Rajavi Cult, NCRI …) 

Lindsey_Hilsum_Attacked_By_MEK_Maryam_Rajavi_Cult_In_AlbaniaTirana Times, Albania, August 21 2018:… private police guarding the fortified camp where the MEK members are hiding attempted to take hold of the camera used to film, while some of the members hit Hilsum, who began to scream, until state police patrolling the area stopped them and took the foreigners at the police station, where they testified. “They tried to take her camera and break it. The journalist panicked … 

Incidenti në kamp, muxhahedinët iranianë rrahin gazetaren britanikeFull Exclusive / Camp Incident, Iranian Mojahedin Beat British Journalist (aka MKO, MEK, Rajavi cult, Saddam’s Private Army)

Link to the source

MEK members residing in Albania hit British journalist, local media reports (Mojahedin Khalq, Maryam Rajavi Cult, NCRI …)

By Tirana Times
August 19, 2018 18:58


TIRANA, Aug. 19 – British journalist Lindsey Hilsum was hit by members of the Iranian opposition group known as Mujahedin e Khalq (MEK) living in a “fortified camp” nearby-Durres’ Manez village, on which she’d come to report on for Britain’s Channel 4, local media reported on Sunday.

According to, Albanian authorities attempted to keep the Aug. 10 incident a secret from the public, although Prime Minister Edi Rama, Minister of Interior Fatmir Xhafaj, high police authorities and the British Embassy to Tirana were notified.

Hilsum and her producer Darius Bazargan were investigating and filming the 3,000 Mujahedin, whom Iran considers a terrorist group and whom Albania has been controversially hosting as refugees after the US removed MEK from its terrorist groups’ list in 2012, accompanied by an Albanian translator.

According to the testimony of an eye-witness, private police guarding the fortified camp where the MEK members are hiding attempted to take hold of the camera used to film, while some of the members hit Hilsum, who began to scream, until state police patrolling the area stopped them and took the foreigners at the police station, where they testified.

“They tried to take her camera and break it. The journalist panicked and began to scream, while they grabbed the man that was accompanying them by the neck,” the eye witness told

It is also reported Channel 4 will run the recordings of the MEK members in Albania in the following days, where the incident with Hilsum and her team will also be depicted.

After a request made by the Albanian media, a spokesperson for MEK said they have reason to doubt the British journalists are, in fact, in contact with the Iranian secret service, which they fear will attack the Mujahedin in their camp here in Albania, which was the only country that accepted to host them.

The MEK announcement said that no one had notified them of the journalists’ arrival and plans to film them and added that Albanian secret service had also requested them to stop filming and had been ignored.

According to the announcement, the violence reported is misinformation spread by Iranian secret agent Massoud Khodabandeh, who is allegedly in touch with the journalists.

It is unclear what further steps have been taken by the Albanian authorities after Hilsum’s testimony, but local media reports violence between MEK members and international journalists who have come to Albania to investigate on their lives here has occurred before.

Relations between Albania and Iran date back to the 19th and 20th century, when several Albanian Renaissance poets were inspired by Persian culture and Bektashism, an ultra-liberal mystical Muslim sect with roots in Sufism and Shia Islam that is also present in Albania, to promote Albanian independence.

However, relations between Albania and Iran in the past few years have been strained by Albania’s willingness to accept providing shelter to MEK, which had been on the list of terrorist organizations for several years by the United States.

Meanwhile, independent experts have raised serious question marks on MEK members presence in Albania, even more than the concerns already raised by their presence here as an ex-terrorist group that is still considered terrorist in many parts of the world.

According to earlier statements by MEK members, their stay in Albania will stretch until the end of Iran’s dictatorship, however experts have not excluded the possibility that MEK members may be building a base against Iran, during their stay in Albania.  


Also read:

The scandal / Mojahedin Khalq (MEK, MKO, Rajavi cult) attack English journalists in Albania, police intervene 

 LAPSI, Tirana, Albania, August 19 2018:… A crew from Channel 4, consisting of journalist Lindsey Hilsum, producer Darius Bazarghan and their companion, Albanian-Dutch Vincent Triest, were attacked by a group of Mojahedin and their private guards in Manez while filming from outside the camp facilities. The crew of English journalists, sent by Channel 4 TV, was attacked outside the camp’s fence … 

Albanian_Police_No_Match_For_MEK_Rajavi_Cult_ Saddam_MukhabaratAlbanian Police No Match For MEK Commanders Trained By Saddam’s Mukhabarat

link to the source (Albanian)
Translated by Iran Interlink

The scandal / Mojahedin Khalq (MEK, MKO, Rajavi cult) attack English journalists in Albania, police intervene

 Muxhahedinët sulmojnë gazetarët anglezë në Shqipëri, ndërhyn policia

A crew from Channel 4, consisting of journalist Lindsey Hilsum, producer Darius Bazarghan and their companion, Albanian-Dutch Vincent Triest, were attacked by a group of Mojahedin and their private guards in Manez while filming from outside the camp facilities.

The crew of English journalists, sent by Channel 4 TV, was attacked outside the camp’s fence while filming for the preparation of a programme about the Mojahedin’s life in Albania. When the reporters were attacked they had not encroached on the camp’s territory.

Despite this, they found themselves suffering threats and violence by a group of Mojahedin and private guards, for the simple fact that they were filming in the area.

It was then necessary for the police to intervene to calm the situation. The police escorted the crew of journalists and as soon as they realized that they were just filming from a public space, let them go.

The Mojahedin also reacted to this incident by means of a media announcement. They admit that the journalists were filming outside the camp, but according to them, the journalists had been sent by Iran and as such were being used by the regime to film their camp facilities – an act that according Mojahedin is illegal.

“On Friday, August 10, 2018, a television crew of three, secretly and without prior notice, filmed and photographed within the residence of members of the Mojahedin People’s Organization of Iran (PMOI-MEK), refugees in Albania, from an adjacent spot. Local Albanian security agents, who pointed out this suspicious and unlawful act, asked not to film and surrender the footage. But team members who were introduced as Britons working for British TV Channel 4 TV disregarded this request and continued their work until the Albanian police came and escorted them to the police district, ” the Mojahedin responded.

In fact, it is not known where the Mojahedin cult – which until a few years ago was considered a terrorist organization – finds the right to determine what is lawful and what is illegal in Albania. The police itself let the journalists go free, acknowledging that they were acting within their rights to do their work. The Mojahedin cult itself admits that the team of foreign journalists was outside their camp when they were filming.

The Mojahedin describe the work of British journalists as an infiltration by Iranian agents and considers them “mercenaries”. Proof of their co-operation with the Iranian regime, they say, is the publication on Facebook of a photo by an agent of the Iranian Intelligence Ministry.

“The next day, the news of their visit to the PMOI residence and photographs there appeared on Massoud Khodabandeh’s Facebook page, a notorious agent of the Iranian Intelligence Ministry (MOIS), as well as on the website Iran-Interlink led by MOIS. Thus, it became clear that this audio-visual team from Channel 4 is in active communication with this Iranian intelligence agent and has taken the task of preparing a program to denigrate PMOI. But when MOIS realized that publication of the news and photos had tarnished her conspiracy against Mojahedin, she ordered that they be removed on August 12”, was the Mojahedin’s response.

This is not the first incident that occurred because of the Mojahedin presence in our country, but it is the first time that a group of journalists has been attacked. After taking refuge in Albania, now the Mojahedin are expanding their rules outside their camp. Meanwhile, the police are happy to escort the film crew, but have not yet launched an investigation into the attack on them.


Skandali/ Muxhahedinët sulmojnë gazetarët anglezë në Shqipëri, ndërhyn policia

Një grup xhirimi nga Channel 4, që përbëhej nga gazetarja Lindsey Hilsum, producenti Darius Bazarghan dhe gazetari hollandez Vincent Triest janë sulmuar nga një grup muxhahedinësh dhe rojet private të tyre në Manëz, ndërsa po filmonin nga jashtë, ambjentet e kampit.

Ekipi i gazetarëve anglezë i dërguar nga Tv Channel 4 është sulmuar jashtë rrethimit të kampit, ndërsa kanë qenë duke filmuar për përgatitjen e një materiali në lidhje me jetën e muxhahedinëve në Shqipëri. Gazetarët, në momentin që janë sulmuar, nuk kishin hyrë brenda në territorin e kampit.

Pavarësisht kësaj, ata janë gjendur nën kërcënimet dhe dhunën e një grupi muxhahedinësh dhe rojeve private, për faktin e thjeshtë se po filmonin në këtë zonë.

Eshtë dashur më pas ndërhyrja e policisë që situata të qetësohej. Policia ka shoqëruar ekipin e gazetarëve dhe kur ka kuptuar se këta thjesht po filmonin nga një ambjent publik i ka lënë të lirë.

Edhe muxhahedinët kanë reaguar për këtë incident me anë të një njoftimi për mediat. Ata pranojnë se gazetarët po filmonin jashtë ambjenteve të kampit, por sipas tyre, gazetarët janë të dërguar të Iranit dhe si të tillë po përdoren nga regjimi për të filmuar ambjentet e kampit, një veprim që sipas muxhahedinëve është i jashtëligjshëm.

“Të premten, më 10 gusht, 2018, një ekip televiziv me tre persona, në mënyrë të fshehtë e pa njoftim paraprak, filmoi dhe fotografoi brenda vendbanimit të anëtarëve të Organizatës Muxhahedine të Popullit të Iranit (PMOI-MEK), refugjatë në Shqipëri, nga një vend ngjitur. Agjentë vendas shqiptarë të sigurisë, të cilët e pikasën këtë akt të dyshimtë e të jashtëligjshëm i kërkuan të mos filmonin dhe t’ua dorëzonin filmimet. Por anëtarët e ekipit, të cilët u prezantuan si britanikë që punojnë për televizionin britanik Channel 4 TV, e shpërfillën këtë kërkesë dhe vazhduan punën derisa erdhi policia shqiptare dhe i shoqëroi për në rajonin e policisë” thuhet në reagimin e muxhahedinëve.

Në fakt, nuk dihet ku e gjen të drejtën sekti i muxhahedinëve, që deri pak vite më parë konsiderohej një organizatë terroriste, të përcaktojë se çfarë është e ligjshme dhe çfarë është e paligjshme në Shqipëri. Vetë policia ka lënë të lirë gazetarët, duke pranuar se ata ishin në të drejtën e tyre për të bërë detyrën. Edhe vetë sekti i muxhahedinëve e pranon se ekipi i gazetarëve të huaj po filmonte jashtë kampit.

Muxhahedinët e përshkruajnë punën e gazetarëve anglezë si një infiltrim të agjentëve të Iranit dhe i konsiderojnë ata “mercenarë”. Si provë të bashkëpunimit të tyre me regjimin e Iranit thonë se është shpërndarja në Facebook e fotove nga një agjent i Ministrisë së Inteligjencës së regjimit iranian.

Ditën tjetër, lajmi i vizitës së tyre në vendbanimin e PMOI dhe fotografitë e bëra atje u shfaqën në faqen e Facebook-ut të Massoud Khodabandeh, një agjent famëkeq i Ministrisë së Inteligjencës së regjimit iranian (MOIS), si dhe në faqen e internetit Iran-Interlink që drejtohet nga MOIS. Kështu, u bë e qartë se ky ekip audio-vizual nga Channel 4 është në komunikim aktiv me këtë agjent inteligjence të regjimit iranian dhe ka marrë detyrën për të përgatitur një program për të denigruar PMOI. Por kur MOIS e kuptoi se publikimi i lajmit dhe fotove e kishte njollosur komplotin e saj kundër Muxhahedinëve, dha urdhër që ato të hiqen më 12 gusht” thuhet në reagimin e muxhahedinëve.

Ky nuk është incidenti i parë që ndodh për shkak të muxhahedinëve në vendin tonë, por është hera e parë që sulmohet një grup gazetarësh. Pasi janë strehuar në Shqipëri, tani muxhahedinët po i zgjerojnë rregullat e tyre edhe jashtë kampit. Ndërkohë policia është mjaftuar me shoqërimin e grupit të filmimit, por nuk ka nisur ende një hetim për sulmin ndaj tyre.


Pandi Majko merr pjesë në takimin e xhihadistëve iranianëPandli Majko merr pjesë në takimin e xhihadistëve iranianë
Pandli Majko attends the meeting of jihadists promising them Albanian Passports

Albania: MEK rebrands by assassinating unwanted members

مهران کاکاوند قاتل و شکنجه گر اعزامی از عراق به پاریسMehran Kakavand, Mojahedin Khalq agent tried to assassinate ex-member Mansour Nazari in Paris (link to the report in Persian)

French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Paris, June 27 2014:It has no legal existence in France as an organization.  It is  violent and undemocratic

IMPAKT 114 – Why are the Iranian Mojahedeen keeping Somayeh Mohamadi as hostage in Albania?

Albanian government supports MEK keeping abducted Canadian woman hostage

کمپ اشرف 3 زندان گروگانهای مریم رجوی در تیرانا آلبانیFootage of the MEK’s secret base in Albania
(Mojahedin Khalq, MKO, NCRI, Saddam’s private army, Rajavi cult …)

مصطفی محمدی محبوبه محمدی تیرانا آلبانی Exclusive / Mojahed’s parents say: We are not agents, our daughter was kidnapped by Mojahedin Khalq (MEK, MKO, Rajavi cult, NCRI …)

Mostafa_Mahbube_Somayeh_Mohammadi_MEK_Maryam_Rajavi_AlbaniaWhy are the Iranian Mojahedeen keeping Somayeh Mohamadi as hostage in Albania?

Ashamed of your Leader? Silencing the victims of Mojahedin Khalq (MKO, MEK, Rajavi cult, PMOI, NCRI …) to promote Maryam Rajavi – March 2013

Maryam Rajavi’s annual Rally in Villepinte. This year promoting ISIS, MEK, Saddamists – Everyone Loses

Massoud Khodabandeh,, June 29 2014: … The MEK pretend to work as mercenaries to suit western backers but have in reality simply exploited loopholes and weaknesses in western political systems purely to promote themselves and, like parasites, find a niche to exist in for a while. The MEK have infiltrated parliaments and ministries and …

Hanging to ISIS terrorists; futile struggle of MKO terrorists to survive (Mojahedin Khalq, MEK, Rajavi cult)

مریم رجوی صدامیان داعش تروریسمA. Sepinoud, Nejat Bloggers, July 05 2014: … the Mujahedin Khalq terrorist group which has already been active supporting the extremists in the region or elsewhere, didn’t hesitate hailing and supporting blatantly the so called Islamic government of Iraq and the Levant(ISIL/ISIS), despite the shocking news and gruesome photos of the mass killings and savage …

International meeting for ISIL in France (Mojahedin Khalq, MKO, MEK, Rajavi cult)

Maryam Rajavi terrorist syriaVoltairenet, July 03 2014: … MEK president Maryam Rajavi seized the opportunity to violently lash out against Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and rejoice over the progress achieved by the Islamic Emirate in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). French politics nowadays are profoundly schizophrenic: on one hand France (as the U.S.) officially condemns the …