Inside the MEK: The Secluded Group Scheduled to Overthrow the Iranian Regime (Mojahedin Khalq, Rajavi cult)

Inside the MEK: The Secluded Group Scheduled to Overthrow the Iranian Regime (Mojahedin Khalq, Rajavi cult)

Ty Joplin, Albawaba, October 06 2018:… The MEK, more than being a terrorist cult, militia or pro-democratic freedom fighters, seems to be a brutal tool of realpolitik, a blunt instrument to be used by the U.S. and its allies in the Gulf to antagonize their geopolitical rival, Iran.To understand the this, Al Bawaba spoke with Massoud Khodabandeh, who was one of the groups most senior leaders for decades, before … 

Mojahedin Khalq (MEK, Rajavi cult)’s Fake Intelligence Only Hinders Fact-finding Bodies Finding The Truth

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Inside the MEK: The Secluded Group Scheduled to Overthrow the Iranian Regime

By Ty Joplin


A little ways outside the center of Tirana, Albania lies a military-style base surrounded by high concrete walls topped with barbed wire and droves of security guards keeping watch over all those who venture near the compound.

No one is allowed in, and those who live in the base only come out once a year for a lavish conference in Paris hosted by the leaders of the group trapped inside.

What makes the compound one of the most unique in the world, is that its walls are built to keep its inhabitants in, rather than keep any intruders out. Inside are thousands of members of the Mujahideen al-Khalq (MEK), an Iranian organization that was deemed a terror group by much of the world, only to be quietly re-branded as a peaceful, democratic group of freedom fighters.

Now, it is considered a vital strategic partner by U.S. President Donald Trump and his foreign policy team who hope that the MEK will one day storm Tehran, overthrow the Ayatollah’s regime and take the reigns of power. The U.S. paid the U.N. and Albania to build the base, ensuring the group’s survival for the foreseeable future.

“There is a viable opposition to the rule of the Ayatollahs,” Trump’s National Security Advisor John Bolton proudly announced to a conference hall full of MEK members bussed in to the annual Paris gathering from their compound. “And that opposition is centered in this room today.”

But who are the MEK? No one seems to know.

That question is nearly impossible to answer, not least because the MEK has shifted its own identity so many times that former members cannot recognize the group as a coherent body anymore.

Tightly controlled by its leader, Maryam Rajavi, many who have studied the group call it a cult. Iranians call them hypocrites for becoming a pro-Saddam militia that killed thousands of Iranians in the 1980s. Trump’s White House call them the last viable hope of a Free Iran.

“There is a viable opposition to the rule of the Ayatollahs…And that opposition is centered in this room today.”
John Bolton, White House National Security Advisor

The MEK, more than being a terrorist cult, militia or pro-democratic freedom fighters, seems to be a brutal tool of realpolitik, a blunt instrument to be used by the U.S. and its allies in the Gulf to antagonize their geopolitical rival, Iran.

To understand the this, Al Bawaba spoke with Massoud Khodabandeh, who was one of the groups most senior leaders for decades, before he escaped and renounced what it had become. Once their top spy, Khodabandeh now lives in the U.K. as a consultant working on deradicalization and lives a relatively quiet life. Although he speaks methodically, he often veers into small anecdotes about his time in the MEK, sharing stories that shed light on the group’s highly secretive past.

His decades-long involvement in the MEK has given him a unique insight into one of the most elusive anomalous groups in the world; he has chosen to share his story with Al Bawaba.

From Students to Guerrilla Fighters

Formed in 1965 by a group of students from Tehran University, the MEK was organized against the rule of the Shah, whose government was installed by the U.K. and U.S. to ensure Iranian oil flowed to the West. Its left-leaning members initially mixed a Marxist understanding of history with Islam, but were targeted by the Shah’s secret intelligence, the SAVAK.

Many of its members were jailed and executed, and the group underwent a series of internal rifts. Eventually, Massoud Rajavi rose to lead the group, and the MEK allied itself with the revolutionary cleric, Ayatollah Khomeini, who was quickly positioning himself as the top contender for the Shah’s job as ruler of Iran.

The MEK became one of the Ayatollah’s most reliable revolutionary force, providing a backbone to protests on the streets of Tehran and supplying thousands of diehard activists. The MEK at this time enjoyed wide support throughout Iran.

Khomeini,a far-right Islamist, graciously accepted the help of the MEK, but had no plans to share power with them. When he did seize power in the 1979 Revolution, he disavowed the MEK and its leadership, driving them out of the official political scene. Reacting to this, the MEK  quickly transformed into guerrilla fighters battling the Ayatollah regime inside Iran.

Just as quickly as Khomeini flipped on the MEK, they turned on him.

“Khomeini,a far-right Islamist, graciously accepted the help of the MEK, but had no plans to share power with them.”

In June 1981, the MEK killed 70 high-ranking members of the Ayatollah’s Islamic Republican Party. The bombing also reportedly injured Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who is now the current ruler of Iran, permanently affecting his right arm.

Then two months later, they bombed the offices of Mohammad-Javad Bahonar, who was Prime Minister, and Mohammad-Ali Rajai, who was the president at the time, killing both.

Khomeini then set his sights on expelling the MEK from Iran. Most of the members fled to Iraq while its leadership went to Paris.

In Iraq, Saddam Hussein immediately found an use for the MEK, and took them under his wing. He allowed them to build a new base for themselves called Camp Ashraf just north of Baghdad in 1986, and began funding the group. Saddam was fighting a brutal war with Iran at the time, and deployed the MEK as a militia against Iran’s army and its Revolutionary Guards.

Under the command of Saddam and Massoud Rajavi, the MEK killed thousands of Iranians and then was used to violently suppress Iraqi Kurds, something Khodabandeh thought utterly contrary to the original ideals of the group, which he thought to be emancipatory.

“I had joined MEK with idealistic aims and revolutionary ideas,” Khodabandeh told Al Bawaba in an interview. “I was a teenager then.”

“I had joined MEK with idealistic aims and revolutionary ideas. I was a teenager then.”
Massoud Khodabandeh, Former MEK member

“After years, especially after seeing the situation in Iraq and the role of MEK in Saddam’s army, it was obvious that not only had that aim gone out of the window, but the force was now a force for suppression.”

As one of its senior members who helped create international branches in Europe and lead its security, Khodabandeh thought he could convince the rest of the leadership to stick to its founding principles.

“I tried for years to somehow influence the direction with no success whatsoever,” he said.

By the late 1980s, the group was universally reviled in Iran for its role in the Iran-Iraq war, and was firmly part of Saddam’s network of militias he controlled. Its goal of revolution in Tehran seemed distant and abstract compared to the funds and arms it was getting for killing Iranians and Kurds.

Due to its loyalty to Saddam, and its assassination of six American citizens, including three members of the military, the U.S. designated the MEK a Foreign Terror Organization (FTO) in 1997, and much of the world followed suit shortly thereafter.

How the MEK Got Off the Terror List


For most organizations, to be deemed a terrorist group spells doom for its ability to network and function internationally. They are either treated as pariahs, or actively targeted by states to be eliminated.

It usually means war, with bounties on leaders’ heads and international arrest warrants being issued.

The MEK, however, experienced none of that. In fact, their time as being considered terrorists was unusually luxurious: they lived and worked freely throughout Europe and the U.S., inter-mingling with policy makers and influences as if they were a non-profit with millions to spend.

The MEK also stands as one of only groups who successfully lobbied itself off the list, paying out millions of dollars in a tri-pronged campaign that included donating to influential U.S. politicians, saturating U.S. magazines with pro-MEK advertisements and convincing the U.S. military and political establishment that it was an asset rather than a security threat.

Its removal from the terror list began in 2003, when the U.S. invaded and occupied Iraq, ousting Saddam Hussein and battling against his militias. The MEK was perceived as just another pro-Saddam militant organization, and were targeted as such by the U.S.

But then something strange happened.

After a brief period of conflict, the MEK called for a ceasefire and began discussions with U.S. officials about its status. According to a RAND report, the MEK’s negotiators convinced their U.S. counterparts that they had actually offered to help fight on the U.S.’ behalf before the invasion and that its members were U.S.-educated.

Both were false. They also told the U.S. officials that they hadn’t killed any U.S. forces, even though the MEK had killed at least one member of the special forces. With limited knowledge of the group, the U.S. officials were convinced and accepted the MEK’s terms of the ceasefire, which included the group keeping its weapons.

“They also openly prosthelytized to U.S. troops and formal requests to stop them were denied.”

The MEK then quickly built trust with the U.S., and was treated less like a terror organization and more like a oppressed minority. For their part, the MEK quickly ditched its friendship with Saddam and replaced him with the U.S., who was busy fighting an insurgency and struggling to establish a new government in Iraq.

Despite being listed still as a terror group, then-Secretary of State Donald Rumsfeld moved to grant the MEK the status of ‘“protected persons” under the Fourth Geneva Convention in June 2004, effectively placing it under the protective custody of the U.S. The U.N., International Red Cross and Rumsfeld’s own department disagreed with the decision, but it was final. Rather than prisoners of war to be prosecuted, the MEK had been granted special privileges.

The U.S. also provided the MEK with its own office space in a forward operating base near Camp Ashraf; a move that further signaled the U.S.’ comfort with the MEK. They also openly prosthelytized to U.S. troops and formal requests to stop them were denied.

The MEK then set about the task of convincing U.S. policy makers that they could be a valuable asset in the ongoing geopolitical struggle against Iran, who was considered one of the key players in the so-called ‘Axis of Evil.’

A Remarkable Lobbying Effort

Guliani Maryam Rajavi Mojahedin Khalq terrorists

Rudy Giuliani with MEK leader Maryam Rajavi (AFP/FILE)

In Washington D.C., the MEK went about becoming a permanent fixture in the social and political spheres. According to Trita Parsi, the founder and current president of the National Iranian American Council, the MEK gained the favor of many policy makers.

“Even when the MEK was on the terrorist list, the group operated freely in Washington. Its office was in the National Press Club building, its Norooz receptions on Capitol Hill were well attended by lawmakers and Hill staff alike, and plenty of congressmen and women from both parties spoke up regularly in the MEK’s favor. In the early 2000s, in a move that defied both logic and irony, Fox News even hired a senior MEK lobbyist as an on-air terrorism commentator,” Parsi writes.

At a time when anti-terror rhetoric was reaching fever levels, and the U.S. was passing highly controversial laws that put the U.S. in a kind of secure, lockdown mode, with warrantless wiretapping, systematic searches, surveillance programs and clandestine torture sites becoming the norm, the MEK was in good standing with the U.S., as terrorist groups go. Although some in the Department of State wanted them shipped back to Iran, and recognized that many of their members were responsible for war crimes, officials in the Department of Defense sheltered them and began using them as a tool against Iran.

The MEK also wanted to win over the hearts and minds of everyday Americans, who likely had not heard of the small, nascent group but may have been concerned about peace and democracy, which the MEK now claimed were their guiding principles.

The group spent hundreds of thousands of dollars from 2005-2012 taking out ads in major newspapers, including The New York Times and the Washington Post. Their ads were designed to look more like petitions or news stories, and they blended into everyday reading.

“35,000 Iranians Rally in Brussels,” one advertisement headline read, seeking to show that the group had popular support. “250 Parliamentarians, 50 Jurists Condemn . . . Conspiracies against Iranian Mojahedin in Iraq, Call for Removal of Terror Tag from PMOI,” read another.

One full-page ad in The New York Times called for the group to be returned to Camp Ashraf after many had been forcibly transferred to the less-secure Camp Liberty.


(MEK’s ad in The New York Times)

To be sure, the group was under attack by Iraqi forces during the mid-2000s; tens of them died and hundreds were wounded in a series of strikes against Camp Ashraf and Camp Liberty.

The MEK paid for a vast array of U.S. bipartisan support. Among its public allies, even when it was a terror group, was R. James Woolsey and Porter J. Goss, both former CIA heads, former president George W. Bush’s homeland security chief Tom Ridge, Obama’s first national security advisor, James Jones, former New York mayor Rudolph Giuliani, popular Vermont Democrat Howard Dean. Its other allies included Democrat Congressman John Lewis, former FBI Director Louis Freeh, former Representative Patrick Kennedy and retired General Wesley Clark among others.

The ad campaigns and tireless lobbying efforts worked.

In Sept 2012, then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced the group was coming off the terror list. A Republican Congressman Dana Rohrabacher praised the decision, saying  “The lives of hundreds of the M.E.K. misplaced persons could well be saved as result.” He also insisted that the group seeks “a secular, peaceful, and democratic government,” in Iran.

The MEK had convinced enough powerful people that they were a genuinely potent opposition force that could offset the power of the Ayatollah’s regime in Iran.

Trita Parsi, who was involved in trying to keep the group on the list, told Al Bawaba that State Department officials were desperately pleading with analysts and policy influencers in D.C. to oppose the delisting, and that Clinton dismissed their concerns about the MEK.

Parsi claims that Clinton was facing backlash from other Democratic party politicians, who had graciously accepted money from a listed terror group. “There were so many high level Democrats that had ended up on the MEK’s payroll…” Parsi says, that pressured Clinton to take the MEK off the list in order to clear their names from being associated with a group listed as a terrorist organization.

The MEK is a group that defies conventional understandings of non-state actors.

Its revolutionary beliefs were once seated in a Marxist understanding of history mixed with Islamism. Now, they are willing to sell their ideology to the highest bidder; there is evidence to suggest the MEK mirrors the stated beliefs of the state that gives them the most support. As of now, its stated goal is to establish a secular, democratic state in Iran.

The only thing is seems genuinely invested in is its leader, Maryam Rajavi, who controls its members so tightly that it has been described as a cult centered around her.

But what does the group actually believe? What is its vision for Iran, and how has its beliefs shifted? What caused the group to go from radical student collective to a set of aging, reclusive shut-ins?

The MEK’s Ever-Shifting Ideologies



Iraqi security forces stand watch outside Camp Ashraf in Iraq, the former home of the MEK (AFP/FILE)

Tracing the beginnings of its ideology is easy enough: as it developed in Tehran University in thr 1960s, the MEK advocated for a Marxist reading of history mixed with Shia Islam. Iran, controlled by the U.S. and U.K.-installed Shah, emphasized the MEK’s Marxist leanings to alienate it from the political discourse of Iran at the time, and targeted the group and its founders.

After suffering a split from the more secular, left-leaning members and the execution of its founders, the MEK steadily aligned itself with the hyper-conservative religious cleric, Ayatollah Khomeini.

However grateful Khomeini may have been for the help of the MEK and other leftist revolutionaries in ousting the Western-backed Shah, he did not plan to include them in his theocratic government.

Their exclusion from Iranian politics and governance pushed the MEK into the fringe, where their first real ideological shift happened: going from idealistic pro-Ayatollah activist group to embattled guerrilla fighters.

The political aims for which they campaigned and fought began to fall by the wayside as the group emphasized militant insurgency and its leader, Massoud Rajavi, began to exert more control over its members.

By killing high-level officials of the ruling party in Iran, the MEK showed its willingness to go after those it saw as obstacles to its own plan to take power, even if those in the way were Iranians.

Thousands of members of the MEK were killed by regime intelligence and security forces, but Saddam Hussein promised to support the group, which likely saved it from being eliminated entirely. The group moved from Iran to a base in Iraq, called Camp Ashraf.

Saddam’s move however, led to an about-face for the MEK’s guiding principles, and represents the moment it began to be reviled by Iran. By the time Saddam began funding and housing the MEK, he was already steeped into a stalling invasion of Iran. He began to use the MEK as an auxiliary military force against Iran. The MEK, now refocused on destabilizing the Iranian regime as much as it could, obliged and took part in several operations that killed thousands of Iranians.

Supported by Saddam’s air force, the MEK managed to capture and briefly occupy the Iranian town of Mehran on the Iranian border with Iraq. The MEK reportedly stayed in the town even after official Iraqi army forces had left, and though they were eventually pushed back into Iraq, the battle left three to five thousand Iranians dead.

Their most ambitious plan however, was Operation Mersad. By the time the operation was launched, both sides had agreed to end the war, which had killed hundreds of thousands for no clear strategic gains by either side.

Massoud Rajavi, however, saw the war as his crucial opportunity to dislodge the Iranian regime, and felt it could not end before the MEK had one last shot at mounting a revolt.

Rajavi ordered an all-out invasion into Iran by MEK forces.

Rajavi hoped that his MEK forces, numbering close to 7,000, would be met with a warm welcome by Iranians while he stormed into Tehran to overthrowing the Ayatollah’s regime. He thought the task would be simple and that the MEK could easily do it.

He was mistaken.

Operation Mersad and The MEK’s Descent into Being a Cult


Dead MEK fighters in Iran, after the failed Operation Mersad (Wikipedia)

As Khodabandeh tells it, Rajavi called every MEK member from around the world to Iraq for an undisclosed purpose. MEK members streamed into Iraq, where Massoud Rajavi then told them that they would invading Iran.

His plan was to file the group in a straight, thin line to the first major Iranian town, which would rise up with the MEK against the regime and compel a nation-wide revolution. The plan baffled Iraqi generals, who pleaded with Rajavi and tried to inform him that militaries do not send their entire army in a single-file line for an invasion. Rajavi rebuffed them and went ahead with the plan.

The Iraqi army provided air and material support for the MEK for the first leg of the journey, but refused to continue supporting the group once it got further into Iran. Iranian generals, for their part, were astonished that the MEK would defy basic military logic and move all of its assets at once on a single path towards Tehran, so they swooped down to close off the border with Iraq and prevent any further infiltration.

Then, they let the MEK wander into a mountain range, where they trapped the group.

“The whole force got stuck in these four mountains,” Khodabandeh said. Iran’s military closed it off entirely, and the airforce began pummelling the MEK relentlessly.

In just a few days, Iranian forces killed over 3,000 MEK members, many of whom were never trained to be part of an army in the first place. Many escapees were captured and summarily executed, others still with imprisoned and tortured.

The MEK lost half of its members and many of its leaders. “Rajavi never gave the order to come back. Anybody ‘who survived, they came back themselves,” Khodabandeh said.

Khodabandeh also remembers watching Iraqi generals crying at their posts, pleading with Masoud Rajavi to explain why he would order such an attack against all advice that sent his own people into a death trap.

The move to invade Iran cemented the MEK’s domestic reputation as a group of rogue militants in the pocket of whomever would fund them, and forever doomed their ability to generate popular support inside the country.

After this incident, Massoud Rajavi blamed those who survived the massacre for not being loyal enough, and began to mold and shape the MEK into a more insular group, one that could be controlled by just a few people, namely, him and his wife, Maryam Rajavi. Throughout the 1980s, Massoud orchestrated what he called an ‘ideological revolution,’ within the MEK, which forced its members to obey his orders.

But these tools of control became more sinister after Operation Mersad.

“After the failed military operation of ‘Forough Javidan’ [Operation Mersad]…” Massoud Rajavi ordered all those who lost a spouse to immediately re-marry, Khodabandeh said. On top of that, “within a few months he started a new phase of [the so-called] ideological revolution in which his demand was that everyone has to divorce forever and all the women are now his.”

This order reorganized the MEK from being a militant group with some remnants of ideological beliefs, to one where its members were primarily subservient to a person, who dictated every aspect of their lives. Children of MEK members were forcibly taken from their parents and flown out of Iraq, where they were raised in the U.S. and U.K. by sympathizers.

Khodabandeh said he knew of at least one child who was flown out: “I know one of them who changed hands in Canada and U.S. five times. They would register the children for benefits and then would leave them in the street.”

“Every time they faced a major defeat like this, in order to retain control of the organization, the leadership became more and more repressive internally and cultish,” Trita Parsi, the founder and former president of the National Iranian American Council, said to Al Bawaba in an interview.

One ‘session’ was called The Cross, where some MEK members were forced to bear a large cross on them.

There is also reason to believe Massoud was literally fashioning the MEK to be a cult as well. Throughout Khodabandeh’s  time in the U.K., he sent dozens of books on psychological manipulations and cults to Massoud Rajavi. Rajavi constantly requested them as well as other odd items including a fake eye for one of his former wives. Khodabandeh, not knowing any better, complied with the requests. Decades later, he learned that Rajavi was having them translated into Farsi and was using them as guides to mold the MEK into a cult.

Massoud Rajavi also introduced other methods of control, some years before the failed invasion of Iran ever happen. Many of them were intended to prevent further divisions in the group from forming.

One ‘session’ was called The Cross, where some MEK members were forced to bear a large cross on them. Another, called ‘Individuality,’ forced members to describe their loyalty to Massoud and prove that they were working towards his goals. Of course, members were forced to confess deviant thoughts or actions to MEK leadership as well. Those who had transgressed Massoud would be punished, sometimes through solitary confinement and public shaming.

Human Rights Watch began looking into the group’s treatment of its members, and found members who had been held in solitary confinement for years at a time, and of dissident members being tortured to death in front of others as a way of showing the danger of going against the group. It is highly likely many of these methods were developed thanks to the guide Rajavi had made for himself with Khoadenbeh’s books.

The ‘Social Division’ of the MEK released a statement urging its members to accept this internal, ‘ideological revolution,’ that was really a kind of ongoing purge of the group.

“To understand this great revolution…is to understand and gain a deep insight into the greatness of our new leadership, meaning the leadership of Massoud and Maryam. It is to believe in them as well as to show ideological and revolutionary obedience of them…By correcting your old work habits and by criticizing your individual as well as collective shortcomings, we shall gain much awareness in confronting our enemies…Report to your commanders and superiors in a comprehensive manner your progress, its results and outcomes that you gain from promoting and strengthening this ideological revolution.”

After Massoud Rajavi disappeared in 2003, Maryam took over and continued enforcing cult-like practices on the MEK, likely continuing to this day.


Maryam Rajavi (AFP/FILE)

In 2016, the MEK was moved to Tirana, Albania, but this trasnfer has done nothing to loosen the hold Maryam has on its members.

The U.S. had the ability to separate the members from the leadership and give them more freedom; something the U.S. declined to do. Trita Parsi thinks many would have defected if they were given such a chance.

Meanwhile, Tara Sepehri Far, an Iran researcher with the Human Rights Watch told Al Bawaba that there are no signs the MEK’s abusive practices against its membership has ended.

“We haven’t updated our research after that but we’re not aware of remedy that has been paid to victims since then,” Far stated. “My understanding is the group still keeps the camp isolated in Albania and doesn’t allow independent monitors and journalist to freely report from there.”

Former MEK members have told journalists that the group’s leadership forces individuals in the Tirana camp to write down their sexual thoughts every day and then read them out loud to others, using shame as a method of control. A leaked Albanian police report assess the MEK as a dangerous group and that there are “reasonable suspicions” that it may be torturing and even killing members trapped inside the Tirana compound today.

“It’s not really proper to called them MEK ‘members,’ they’re more or less MEK hostages. They want to leave but they’re not allowed to,” said Parsi, who has spoken to several families of MEK members in the U.S. who have been fighting for years to reconnect with loved ones stuck in the compound in Albania.

The MEK’s public face is that it is a force for democracy and secular pluralism, though it has little to show for its claim.

The group’s official website says, “The PMOI/MEK seeks to replace Iran’s religious dictatorship with a secular, pluralistic, democratic government that respects individual freedoms and gender equality.”

However, the website also can’t help but remind everyone that it is fundamentally a one-person show by naming Maryam Rajavi as “the future President of Iran,” having apparently decided the results of a hypothetical election in Iran to be in her favor.

“[Massoud] Rajavi always would say that if it was not because of the Internal Revolution the organisation would not exist,” Khodabandeh said.

“I think he was right but the organisation which existed after these changes is not the first one anymore.”

The revolutionary beliefs of the MEK were slowly weeded out of its membership and replaced with forced obedience to one person: Maryam Rajavi.

According to Khodabandeh, the MEK “has since became the tool for the ones who paid to keep it going and became a closed dictatorial organisation.”

Who Funds the MEK

It is widely rumored that Saudi Arabia has been a loyal supporter of the MEK, but there has not concrete account to verify this claim, until now.

Khodabandeh has provided details of specific transfers of valuables good from Saudi Arabia to the MEK, worth hundreds of millions of dollars.

The details are difficult to verify, but nonetheless represent the first comprehensive account of  the MEK’s partnership with Saudi Arabia.

According to the former MEK member who personally oversaw the transfers, Saudi officials operating within the security apparatus of Turki bin Faisal al Saud, the head of Saudi intelligence at the time, and the late king Abdullah bin Abdulaziz al-Saud, gave the MEK three tons of solid gold, at least four suitcases of custom Rolex watches and fabric covering the Kaaba, the most holy site in Islam. The transfers were worth hundreds of millions of dollars.

Saudi’s Gold Transfers to the MEK


Late Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz al-Saud in 2014 (AFP/FILE)

Massoud Khodabandeh, who used to head security for MEK’s top leaders and was one of its most-senior members, described to Al Bawaba a network of smuggling and black market sales that Saudi used to fund the MEK covertly.

Gold and other valuable commodities were be shipped from Saudi Arabia to Baghdad. Then, they would be sold in black markets in Amman, Jordan via Saudi-linked businessmen; the money would go to offshore accounts linked to the MEK, funding their operations.

In 1989, a year before Saddam Hussein attacked Kuwait, Khodabandeh and the MEK’s leader at the time, Massoud Rajavi, went to Saudi with an escort by Iraq’s secret police. “Rajavi was to perform pilgrimage as well as other things. At the time for our return to Iraq, we were presented with two suitcases each, presents from King Abdullah, then crown prince. They included gold, [and] Rolex watches,” Khodabandeh said. These watches were custom-made and had the king’s head designed into them.

“Massoud Khodabandeh, who used to head security for MEK’s top leaders and was one of its most-senior members, described to Al Bawaba a network of smuggling and black market sales that Saudi used to fund the MEK covertly.”

The MEK, having disavowed personal possessions, removed the king’s head from the watches and sold them to black market businessmen in Amman, Jordan.

They were also presented with a piece of a priceless kiswa, a large drape that is adorned over the Kaaba in Mecca, Saudi Arabia. Kiswas are embroidered with gold and are manufactured at a cost of around $5 million, but the religious and symbolic importance of the fabric makes them much more valuable.

“I was also assigned to bring gold in special lorries,” Khodabandeh said.

Aided by two Iraqi and two Saudi representatives, Khodabandeh smuggled three trucks filled with gold bars from Saudi Arabia to Baghdad. He estimated that each truck held about a ton of gold, making the shipment’s contemporary worth almost $200 million.

“After a few days I arranged for it to go to Amman to be sold,” added Khodabandeh. “We knew a few businessmen who could do this for us and move the money to offshore accounts.”

That top Saudi officials, including the late king Abdullah who was crown prince at the time, was funding a Shia militant group complicates the narrative that Saudi was exclusively exporting a hyper-conservative brand of Sunni Islam, called Wahhabism, around the world to combat Shi’ism. In looking to destabilize the Iranian regime, Saudi appeared more than willing to funnel millions of dollars worth of goods to the Shia MEK.

Khodabandeh noted that some of the money received from its dealings with Saudi was for military vehicles.

Through the Saudi-linked businessmen in Amman, “we bought large fleets of Toyota semi-military vehicles and many other logistical needs.”

Other Sources of MEK Funding: Saddam and the U.S.


MEK leader Maryam Rajavi speaking to a crowd of supporters (AFP/FILE)

During much of the 1980s and 1990s, the MEK was sheltered and supported by Saddam Hussein, who co-opted the group. Khodabandeh told Al Bawaba that, in addition to receiving regular payment from Saddam, the MEK was funneled money from Iraqi oil that was exported to the U.K.

The MEK also garnered a significant amount of money from fraud and money laundering activities around the world.

A massive FBI investigation into the group’s finances in 2004 revealed a complex web of front organizations disguised as charities that were MEK revenue generators. Fraud and laundering schemes were found all over Europe and the U.S.,

From Washington D.C., to Tampa, Dallas, Los Angeles and even London, Stockholm and Paris, the MEK operated “cells” that took part in fraud schemes and fake charities.

One such fake charity was called the Committee for Human Rights. MEK members posed as representatives of the so-called Committee for Human Rights, seeking donations for the medical treatment of starving Iranian refugee children. The donations received were then laundred via Turkey back to the main base in Iraq, where they were used “to fund MEK’s terrorist operation” according to the report.

To smuggle in MEK members to the United States, which listed the group as a foreign terrorist organization at the time, the organization forged identity and immigration documents.


An MEK gathering in Paris, France (AFP/FILE)

In 2012, it was delisted as a terror group and recruited by the U.S. for use in destabilizing the Iranian regime. The U.S. paid $20 million to the U.N. refugee agency to transfer thousands of MEK members from Iraq to Tirana, Albania and provided Albania the funds to build the MEK’s military-style facility in Tirana.

The U.S. also “allocated a budget of 10 million dollars for the purpose of a ‘de-radicalization’ program to dismantle MEK as an organisation and sort out the members,” according to Khodabandeh. But the Trump administration halted the program, leaving the members trapped with the leadership.

The group’s shifting alliances closely align with its sources of funding, making the group a kind of quasi-mercenary force, although the group has not engaged in combat in years.

“It changed from a terrorist military organisation to an intelligence-based propaganda machine.”

Turki bin Faisal al Saud, who was directing Saudi’s intelligence at the time Khodabandeh was assigned to smuggle Saudi goods into Iraq for the MEK’s benefit, has since become an outspoken advocate for the MEK.

“Your efforts to confront this regime are legitimate, and your struggle to rescue all sectors of the Iranian society… from the oppression of the Velayat-e Faqih rule, as was said by Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, is legitimate and an imperative,” bin Faisal told thousands of MEK members at an annual conference for the group in Paris in 2017.

“Therefore, advance with God’s blessings.”

In 2012, it was delisted as a terror group and recruited by the U.S. for use in destabilizing the Iranian regime. The U.S. paid $20 million to the U.N. the MEK from Iraq to Tirana, Albania.

Khodabandeh said that bin Faisal replaced Saddam as the main backer of the group. “I would say that after the fall of Saddam, the MEK which was then being run by Massoud under the patronage of Saddam, changed to the organisation run by Maryam under the patronage of Prince Turki bin Faisal Al Saud.”

“It changed from a terrorist military organisation to an intelligence-based propaganda machine.”

As its sources of funding have largely come from Saudi Arabia and the U.S., it is safe to say that the MEK has re-molded itself to be a kind of tool for them.

How the MEK is Currently Being Used

U.S. President Donald Trump does not like Iran and he has increasingly surrounded himself by people who feel the same way. Understood to be the ghoul siphoning off U.S. power in the Middle East, members of the Trump team have been open about their desire neutralize growing Iranian power.

“We ask all nations to isolate Iran’s regime as long as its aggression continues,” Trump said during his speech to the United Nations’ General Assembly on Sept 25.

“And we ask all nations to support Iran’s people as they struggle to reclaim their religious and righteous destiny,” he added.

White House national security advisor John Bolton promised to bring regime change to Iran by 2019 before stepping back the remarks in a press conference on Sept 24 on the US sanctioning in Iran. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said in the same conference regarding the reimposition of sanctions that Iran needs ‘enormous change’ before the U.S. reconsiders its stance. Trump’s lawyer and loyal ally, Rudy Giuliani, said that he hoped the sanctions would bring a “successful revolution” to the nascent country.

Destabilizing the Ayatollah’s regime in Iran is a Herculean task, not least because domestic opposition to it is disorganized and have largely localized, economic concerns.

But the Trump team are convinced that they have an effective tool to antagonize Iran: the MEK. The MEK claims itself to be Iran’s main opposition group. Bolton, Giuliani and Pompeo have all received thousands of dollars from the MEK to speak on their behalf, championing them as the saviors to the rogue nation.

In reality, the MEK boasts a membership of about 3,000 aging Iranian exiles and former members. Their compound in Tirana, Albania is a full 2,130 miles away from Tehran and they are only allowed out once a year to attend their annual gathering in Paris. They have virtually no support in Iran.

So how are they the linchpin to the U.S.’ plan for Iran?

The MEK and Iran’s Nuclear Program

The MEK has billed itself to provide two services for those who wish to see a destabilized Iran: a network of spies to provide intelligence and a well-oiled propaganda machine that throws dirt on the regime.

The group’s supposedly deep network of spies inside Iran was given credit for helping to expose the country’s secret nuclear facilities in the early 2000s. In 2002, the MEK’s political wing, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), made a theatrical claim that it had discovered a secret nuclear facility in Natanz, Iran. The claim made the MEK seem like a credible source of insider knowledge into Iran’s clandestine nuclear weapons development scheme, but as it turns out, much of it was just for show.

The international body in charge of monitoring nuclear sites, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) already knew about the Natanz site, making the information less than groundbreaking.

In 2015, the NCRI repeated its style of staging a theatrical reveal when it claimed that Iran was developing a secret ‘underground centrifuge facility’ on the outskirts of Tehran, just before the Iran nuclear deal was signed into effect. Some of the details the NCRI discussed about the site, including “3 by 3 meter radiation proof doors that are 40 centimeters thick and weigh about 8 tons … to prevent radiation leak,” are evidently unnecessary for a uranium-enrichment facility, and the images it ‘released’ were ripped from an Iranian company’s website.

A U.S. State Department spokesperson said “Well, we don’t have any information at this time to support the conclusion of the [NCRI’s] report.”

The ‘reveal’ was fake.


The uranium enrichment facility at Natanz (AFP/FILE)

What little actual new information it had produced regarding Iran’s nuclear sites were reportedly fed to them by the Mossad, Israel’s secret intelligence, who wanted to reveal the information but needed an element of plausible deniability. The MEK then, was used as an easy middleman.

The other use of the MEK has been as a kind of anti-Iranian regime propaganda machine.

The MEK hosts a lavish annual conference, bringing together its members with some of the world’s top politicians, all united against the Ayatollah regime. The MEK’s leader, Maryam Rajavi, speaks of bringing equality and liberal democracy to Iran in each year’s headline speech. Its official news outlets on its website and the MEK-backed Iran News Wire, produce daily stories on unrest inside Iran to convey to the world that the people of Iran are turning against the regime.

Nevermind that no one is protesting in Iran for the MEK to take over.

Much of Iran News Wire’s story revolve around an ongoing labor strike of Iranian truck drivers; an issue that has no apparent link to the MEK.


(MEK Propaganda, Twitter)

It was recently revealed that many of the MEK members in the Tirana base have been operating a troll factory intended to create the false impression that there are untold masses of Iranians who wish for the MEK to overthrow Ayatollah Khamenei and his clerical government.

The MEK operates thousands of social media accounts that posts pro-regime change messages and fights with the MEK’s detractors.

“The majority of it is abusive, libelous, ad hominem and intended to silence,” Azadeh Moaveni, a fellow at New America said of the posts in an interview with an Al Jazeera team investigating the troll factory.

The posts are often made strategically to create trending hashtags, giving the false impression of a populist insurgency against the regime. To be sure, Iran is experiencing unrests across the country: protests have sporadically broken out over the past year due to the country’s economic woes. Double digit inflation and funding expensive military campaigns in Syria, Iraq and Yemen have hampered the country’s budget, choking off its middle class. The U.S.’ re-imposition of sanctions has only added to that volatility.

While these protests may open the window of opportunity on opposition groups, the MEK is universally reviled in Iran for its role in the Iran-Iraq war and is not a player in the country’s political landscape.

This matters little for those U.S. and European policymakers however, who see a further use in the group. Not as a proxy group or intelligence asset, but a source of money.

“Anything to Needle Iran.”


MEK members (AFP/FILE)

The MEK, with its generous funding sources, has funnelled millions of dollars to politicians since 2003, giving John Bolton at least $180,000 in one year alone, the man now in charge of forming Trump’s foreign policy doctrine. They pay politicians as much as $50,000 to speak at its conferences, and give to both Democrats and Republicans; anyone who will publicly support them in exchange for donations.

Among their beneficiaries are former presidents George W. Bush, Barack Obama, the late John McCain who received at least seven installments of MEK funds according to Joanne Stocker, an editor at Defense Post. They’ve also given money to former CIA heads, other national security advisors and heads of homeland security.

From this strategy of all-out spending, the MEK has amassed a veritable army of D.C. insiders and kingmakers who speak on the group’s behalf, convincing their colleagues that the group is paving the way towards a free Iran.

In return as well, the MEK has received tens of millions from the U.S. to build and maintain its current facility in Tirana via a donation to the U.N. Refugee Agency, and likely continues to enjoy support from Saudi Arabia.

What this means in practical terms is that Trump’s foreign policy stance towards Iran will likely always include the MEK

“Anything to needle Iran,” Ervand Abrahamian said of the support for the MEK from countries like Saudi Arabia. Abrahamian is a historian at the City University of New York who wrote a book on the group, called “The Iranian Mojahedin.”

According to Abrahamian, the cost of Saudi’s support for the group is a mere “pittance,” compared to the consequences of regime destabilization. Trita Parsi, a prominent critic of the MEK and founder of the National Iranian American Council, told Al Bawaba that the MEK continues to serve a useful role in egging on regime collapse in Iran.

“If your objective is regime collapse… then the MEK is almost a perfect fit,” said Trita Parsi to Al Bawaba in an interview. The MEK, Parsi argued, is a capable force to effect regime collapse due to their years of fighting both inside and outside of Iran and their ability to conduct espionage operations.

The group, in other words, is not still around to help inspire a democratic upheaval in Iran, but to dismember the country, taking its government and its people with them.

That such destabilization may cause war, an uncontrollable humanitarian catastrophe and more resentment against Western meddling in regional affairs does not seem important to those hoping to see a disempowered Iran.

Back in the MEK’s camp, the ragtag bunch of former revolutionaries-turned-twitter-trolls don’t look like the group they once were.

Dragged through the decades by the Rajavis with a mix of promises that they would eventually march into Tehran as victors and being thoroughly trapped, the Rajavis have coaxed them along with promises they would all one day march to Tehran as victors of an imaginary revolution and thoroughly trapped them inside a remote prison.

The group, by all accounts, shouldn’t exist anymore.

It carries on as a ghost, pushed forward only by massive amounts of money by states with their own fantasies of uprooting the Iranian regime.

Now that the MEK’s average age is around 55 or 60, “it is fair to say the members have nowhere to go but to stay,” in Tirana and watch the organization slowly fade away, Khodabandeh said.

“The only alternative for them is suicide. Especially the ones who have joined following an idea.”


The MEK’s dirty past includes the anti-Imperialist inspired murder of six Americans in pre-revolution Iran which it later celebrated in songs and publications

Also read

Secret MEK troll factory in Albania uses modern slaves (aka Mojahedin Khalq, MKO, NCRI ,Rajavi cult)

Massoud and Anne Khodabandeh, Balkans Post, September 22 2018:… But, back in Albania if the Al Jazeera interviewer had asked ‘how much money does an MEK member make for spending all day, every day as an internet troll?’ The answer would be “nothing”. MEK does not pay its members anything. It never has and never will. This is because it operates as a cult to which members belong rather than are employed by … 

False_Flaq_Albania_Mojahedin_Khalq_Maryam_Rajavi_Cult_MKO_MEKFalse Flag Op In Albania Would Drive A Wedge Between The EU And Iran

Albania: MEK rebrands by assassinating unwanted members

Link to the source

Secret MEK troll factory in Albania uses modern slaves (aka Mojahedin Khalq, MKO, NCRI ,Rajavi cult)

MEK_troll_factory_in_Albania_modern_slavesMEK members working in the ‘Twitter troll factory’ in Manez Camp, Albania

At last the world, and in particular the citizens of Albania, have gained a window into the hidden world of the Iranian Mojahedin Khalq (MEK) camp in Manez, Durres. Back in August, the UK’s Channel 4 international editor, Lindsey Hilsum, was blocked from approaching the camp by armed security and MEK zealots. Her report talked about the secrecy which surrounds “the shadowy cult”. Since the group arrived in Albania it has aggressively evaded investigation by all outsiders.

The MEK’s standard response to requests from journalists for interviews is that they are in collusion with the Iranian regime to demonize and destroy the group and therefore pose a threat to their lives in the camp.

This of course is nonsense. As well as being an insult to their host government and the Albanian security services, this answer is in line with the MEK’s history of labelling all and every person who criticises them ‘agents of the Iranian regime’ to deflect enquiry, investigation and accountability.

Now a report by Al Jazeera has revealed some of what they are trying to hide behind the green curtains surrounding the camp. Al Jazeera said, “in spite of the accusations of disinformation and fake news from both sides”, it had “the facts, location and actual personnel explaining the modus operandi of an organized troll factory”; the MEK camp in Albania.

According to this report, MEK has established a Twitter troll factory which, for the past two years, has up to 1,500 MEK members tweeting in support of regime change against Iran.

MEK_troll_factory_in_Albania_modern_slavesMEK leader Maryam Rajavi visits members in Albania

In a political context, this is not surprising. The MEK has, according to Ty Joplin of Albawaba, “lobbied itself from terrorist to freedom fighter… Since the downfall of patron Saddam Hussein, the MEK has ‘changed from a terrorist military organisation to an intelligence-based propaganda machine’.”

In response to the revelation, Iran’s Foreign Minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif, made a political point, accusing Twitter of closing the genuine Twitter accounts of Iranians and challenging Twitter co-founder and CEO Jack Dorsey to look at “actual bots” in Tirana. But while it is fair to bat the ball back to the other side – that’s part of his job – politicizing this issue risks diverting attention from the true scandal behind MEK’s activities.

“Looking at actual bots” is exactly what Al Jazeera managed to do when it interviewed two former MEK members in Tirana. One described how “several thousand accounts are managed by about 1,000-1,500 MEK members… It was all very well organised and there were clear instructions about what needed to be done.” Another said, “Our orders would tell us the hashtags to use in our tweets in order to make them more active.”

What is clear is that this kind of activity costs money. And there is no doubt that the MEK has access to a lot of money. The payments made to high profile speakers over many years and the millions of dollars spent on lavish gatherings to mark Nouruz and the armed struggle testify to deep pockets.

But, back in Albania if the Al Jazeera interviewer had asked ‘how much money does an MEK member make for spending all day, every day as an internet troll?’ The answer would be “nothing”. MEK does not pay its members anything. It never has and never will. This is because it operates as a cult to which members belong rather than are employed by. It is a peculiar relationship, but one worth investigating if we are to have a true picture of how a so-called political group can achieve influence at the highest levels of policy in the USA and deceive public opinion.

As scandals involving child labor and slavery in manufacturing, supply and retail have demonstrated, it is vital to look beyond the superficial profits and share prices when examining a company. So too, in the world of politics there must be proper scrutiny over those who seek to influence public opinion and lobby government policy.

To be absolutely clear, MEK members are not paid for their work. So, none of the one and a half thousand internet trolls that Al Jazeera says are working in the MEK click factory are being paid. In fact, no MEK member is paid.

MEK leader Maryam Rajavi visits members in AlbaniaMEK women have suffered years of unpaid labour in Iraq, now they are unpaid click trolls in Albania

The next time anyone encounters MEK enforcers Behzad Saffari, Farid Toutonchi or Jila Deyhim and in Albania, remember they are not being paid for what they do. When parliamentarians in Britain sit with Hossein Abedini and Dowlat Norouzi to condemn Iran, when MEPs and their assistants are harassed by MEK at the EUP, and when lawmakers and researchers meet with Ali Safavi (video at end) and Ali Reza Jafarzadeh in the US, they should be aware that none of them receive a wage for their work.

Of course, this means they do not have savings or a pension and do not pay tax in their host countries like regular workers. But being unpaid is not even the main issue here. MEK members all suffer the deeper problems associated with cultic abuse and the total control over every aspect of their lives, including their thoughts and beliefs.

Two examples: In the case of Somayeh Mohammadi, MEK cannot allow her to leave their camp and meet even for five minutes alone with her parents. She is not trusted to return to them. But they cannot allow her to leave because she knows sensitive information which MEK do not want to be made public. However, the publicity surrounding her case has almost certainly saved her life. Unfortunately, Malek Sharai who ‘drowned’ in an irrigation channel and whose body was buried without an autopsy was not so lucky. It turns out he was a survivor of the September 1st massacre in Camp Ashraf, Iraq in 2012. Sharai knew exactly what happened that day and who was responsible for the deaths of 53 people.

MEK members live in conditions of modern slavery. They are owned by MEK leader Maryam Rajavi in Paris and are, in turn, being exploited by her backers and advocates.

Albania already has serious problems with mafia gangs and criminals. But this newly imported problem cannot be ignored simply because they are a foreign group hidden away from public scrutiny. It cannot be ignored because the group is supported at the highest levels in the Trump administration. This is a human rights issue and continued exploitation of these victims should not be tolerated – which country condones, let alone legally sanctions the use of slaves? The US pledged money to Albania to de-radicalize and rehabilitate MEK members in Albania as ordinary citizens. It is time now for that to be actioned.


Massoud Khodabandeh is the Director of Middle East Strategy Consultants and has worked long-term with the authorities in Iraq to bring about a peaceful solution to the impasse at Camp Liberty and help rescue other victims of the Mojahedin-e Khalq cult. Khodabandeh co-authored the book ‘The Life of Camp Ashraf – Victims of Many Masters’ with his wife Anne Singleton.



Also read:

MEK brings American bomber L. Todd Wood to Albania to show that it is not a terrorist organization but is a baker’s organization

Gazeta Impakt, September 22 2018:… MEK recently deployed, Ali Safavi, who is the MEK’s liaison with the Trump administration, to show that MEK is a human and not a terrorist organization. Commander Ali Safavi, who has previously headed Saddam Hussein’s military operations against Iraqi Kurds in which thousands of Kurds were killed, recently brought American ex-bomber pilot L. Todd Wood to Albania … 

Ali_Safavi_Baghdad_Washington_Terrorism_NCRI_MEKAli Safafi  Saddam’s Private Army commander, wanted for war crime in Iraq now harboured and protected by CIA in Washington DC

Link to the source (Albanian)
Translated by Iran Interlink 

MEK brings American bomber L. Todd Wood to Albania to show that it is not a terrorist organization but is a baker’s organization

Gazeta Impakt – September 21, 2018

Impact Newspaper

American bomber L. Todd Wood Mojahedin Khalq MEK AlbaniaThe shadowy cult Trump advisors tout as an alternative to the Iranian government

The MEK terrorist organization, which recently faced a series of national and international allegations about the totalitarian way that it keeps its members isolated, is spending a lot of money recently to show it is not a terrorist organization but is a baker’s organization.

MEK recently deployed its high-level commander in America, Ali Safavi, who is the MEK’s liaison with the Trump administration, to show that MEK is a human and not a terrorist organization. Commander Ali Safavi, who has previously headed Saddam Hussein’s military operations against Iraqi Kurds in which thousands of Kurds were killed, recently brought American ex-bomber pilot L. Todd Wood to Albania. American Wood, who hosts neocon warmongering and anti-Russian warfare site and writes for the Christian fundamentalist media, an outlet founded by false Korean messiah, founder of the Moonie religion Sun Myung Moon, came to the Manzas jihadist camp to inspect the “democrats” that the Trump administration has sheltered in Albania.

As a man trusted by MEK, L. Todd Wood in an internet video he produced, calls Manzas camp a residential complex – like Sunny Hill or the Malaysian palaces in Tirana. Unlike other journalists who were beaten, expelled, treated as Iranian agents and attacked by Argon’s private armed police, L. Todd Wood gives the impression that the terrorist camp of Manzas is a five-star resort where some angels sleep and not the devils of jihad. The idea is given that the camp is open and anyone can enter there.

In the video, under the supervision of Commander Ali Safavi, elderly Iranian jihadists are shown as bakers, scribes, playing with computers, playing music, fixing their teeth, and being totally peaceful. The video also shows the terrifying commander Behzad Saffari, who led the Mojahedin gangs in Tirana several weeks ago in beating Canadian citizen Mostafa Mohammadi. The video also shows Mostafa’s daughter Somayeh, who tells the US bomber L. Todd Wood about the documents MEK has fabricated against her father and gives the idea that Somayeh is free to meet anyone, anywhere.

To give the impression of normality, the Iranian terrorists invited some Manzas villagers to their camp to eat cakes and drink Fanta, and in the background watch and listen to folk songs. The Manzas villagers, who eat sponge cakes, are divided into separate tables where the women sit with elderly terrorist women, while the men sit with the terrorist men. Bomber L. Todd Wood looks happy as he tries the food and sees the MEK’s terrorist military squads cooking. L. Todd Wood looks happy when he has a Mojahedin cake along with fearsome commander Behzad Saffari.

However, L. Todd Wood’s video shows one of the many rooms where daily the Iranian terrorists produce fake news and troll the internet to spread fake news against Iran. In the terrorist’s internet attack hall hang photographs of the MEK’s supreme leaders, Maryam Rajavi and her husband Massoud Rajavi, killed by the Americans. The Mojahedin tell Wood how they deal with spies from their internet rooms and how they use secret apps to deal with terrorist activity around the world.

To show that they are not a cult of jihadists and terrorists, the Mojahedin show Wood some music videos that MEK made. They convey the idea that you are not in a terrorist camp where women are separated from men and live alone and ageing under the Manzas sun and live isolated in the camp in the hope of waging war against Iran one day, but as if you are in an Iranian bubble. The video ends with a jihadist who seems to be a member of the Roma community, who falls into an Iranian stupor while above his head sits the lion holding a sword – the emblem of MEK.

L. Todd Wood’s visit is one of the MEK’s recent desperate moves to fix its image in Albania and the world. In recent weeks, the MEK High Command has visited many newspapers and media in Albania where, under the leadership of Commander Zhila, journalists and various owners are “respected” by MEK in order to remain silent and not talk about them anymore. The campaign of intimidation visits by the high terrorist command is silencing many Albanian media who are no longer talking or reporting about the MEK’s lies which the international media are reporting. Commander Zhila controls MEK’s money and money pisses upward, as the Albanian people say.

Had MEK been a baker’s organization living in a residential complex where Iranians eat rice, fix their teeth and listen to music, Somayeh Mohammadi’s father and all Albanians would flood into Manzas and meet with Somayeh and the hundreds of other terrorists who are not allowed to meet their families. They would meet with the MEK’s ordinary members and ask why they are not free and why they live inside this idiotic military camp where Maryam Rajavi feeds them like rabbits with bread and rice, sterilizes them so as not to have sex and keeps them like mice to be thrown to death and jihad one day? But MEK does not allow any such thing.


MEK-u sjell në Shqipëri bombardierin amerikan L. Todd Wood për të treguar që nuk është organizatë xhihadiste, por është organizatë bukëpjekësish

 Gazeta Impakt –

September 21, 2018
Gazeta Impakt

Organizata xhihadiste e MEK-ut e cila në kohët e fundit po përballet me një seri akuzash kombëtare dhe ndërkombëtare mbi mënyrat totalitare që ajo mban të izoluar anëtarët e saj, së fundmi po shpenzon shumë para për të treguar që nuk është një organizatë xhihadiste, por është një organizatë bukëpjekësish.

Së fundmi MEK-u ka vënë në lëvizje komandantin e saj suprem në Amerikë, Ali Safavi i cili është kryelobisti i MEK-ut pranë administratës Trump për të treguar që MEK-u është një organizatë njerëzore dhe jo xhihadiste. Komandant Ali Safavi i cili ka drejtuar operacionet ushtarake të Sadam Huseinit kundër kurdëve në Irak ku janë vrarë me mijëra kurdë, së fundmi solli në Shqipëri kambistin dhe ish-bombarduesin amerikan L. Todd Wood. Amerikani Wood i cili mban portalin neokon dhe luftënxitës anti-rus Tsarizm dhe shkruan në portalin fundamentalist kristjan, portal i themeluar nga mesia i rremë korean apo themeluesi i fesë Mooniste, Sun Myung Moon, u fut në kampin xhihadist të Manzës për të inspektuar “demokratët” që administrata Trump ka strehuar në Shqipëri.

Si njeri i besuar nga MEK-u, L. Todd Woodi në një video që ka prodhuar në internet, e quan kampin e Manzës një kompleks rezidencial – sikur është fjala bier Kodra e Diellit apo pallatet e malajzianëve në Tiranë. Përndryshe nga gazetarët e tjerë të cilët janë rrahur, dëbuar, trajtuar si agjentë të Iranit dhe sulmuar nga policia e armatosur private Argon, L. Tood Woodi të jep përshtypjen sikur kampi xhihadist i Manzës është një resort me pesë yje ku flejnë disa engjëj dhe jo shejtanër të xhihadit. Të jepet ideja sikur kampi është i hapur dhe aty mund të hyjë kushdo.

Në filmin e bërë nën mbikqyrjen e komandantit Ali Safavi xhihadistët pleq iranianë tregohen si bukëpjekës, pilafbërës, që luajnë me kompjutera, luajnë muzikë, rregullojnë dhëmbët dhe janë totalisht paqësorë. Në video shihet edhe komandanti i frikshëm Behzad Saffari i cili drejtoi bandat e muxhahedinëve në Tiranë disa javë më parë të rrahin shtetasin kanadez Mostafa Mohammady. Në video tregohet edhe vajza e Mostafait, Sommayeh e cila i tregon bombarduesit amerikan L. Todd Wood dokumentet që MEK-u ka vjedhur e sajuar kundër babait të saj dhe ideja të jepet sikur Sommayeh është e lirë të takohet me këdo dhe kudo.

Për të dhënë ndjenjën e normalitet, xhihadistët iranianë kanë ftuar në kampin e tyre për të ngrënë disa fshatarë nga Manza, të cilët hanë ëmbëlsira, pinë fanta dhe në sfond shohin e dëgjojnë këngë e vallë popullore. Katundarët e Manzës që hanë ëmbëlsira qyl janë të ndarë në tavolina veç e veç ku gratë ulen me plakat xhihadiste, ndërsa burrat ulen me burrat xhihadistë. Bombardieri L. Todd Wood duket i lumtur ndërsa provon ushqimet dhe sheh kusitë ushtarake më të cilat xhihadistët e zinj të MEK-ut gatuajnë. L. Todd Woodi duket i lumtur kur sëbashku me komandantin e frikshëm Behzad Saffari ha simite muxhahedinësh.

Megjithatë, videoja e L. Todd Woodi tregon një nga shumë dhoma ku xhihadistët iranianë prodhojnë përditë fake news dhe trolls për të përhapur lajme të rreme kundër Iranit. Në sallën e sulmit internetik xhihadist qëndrojnë fotot e diktatorëve suprem të MEK-ut, Marjam Rajavit dhe burrit të saj të vrarë nga amerikanët Massoud Rajavi. Muxhahedinët i tregojnë Woodit sesi ata merren me spiunazh nga sallat e tyre të internetit dhe sesi përdorin app-e sekrete për tu marrë me aktivitet xhihadist nëpër botë.

Që të tregojnë se nuk janë një kult xhihadistësh dhe terroristësh, muxhahedinët i tregojnë Woodit disa video muzikore që MEK-sat bëjnë. Ideja të jepet sikur nuk je në një kamp xhihadi ku femrat ndahen nga meshkujt dhe jetojnë të izoluar e piqen nën diellin e Manzës dhe rrojnë të izoluar në kamp me shpresën për të bërë xhihad kundër Iranit një ditë, por sikur je në një disko kullerash iranianë. Videoja mbyllet me një xhihadist që duket sikur të jetë anëtar i komunitetit rom, i cili i bie një sazeje iraniane ndërsa mbi kokën e tij qëndron luani me shpatën e xhihadit – emblema e MEK-ut.

Vizita e L. Todd Woodit është një nga lëvizjet e fundit që MEK-u po bën nga dëshpërimi për të rregulluar imazhin e tij në Shqipëri dhe në botë. Në javët e fundit komanda e lartë e MEK-ut po viziton shumë gazeta dhe media në Shqipëri ku nën udhëheqjen e komandantes Zhilla, gazetarë dhe pronarë të ndryshëm “po respektohen” nga MEK-u në mënyrë që të heshtin dhe të mos flasin më për ata. Fushata e frikshme e vizitave nga komanda e lartë xhihadiste, po hesht shumë media shqiptare të cilat nuk flasin dhe nuk po raportojnë më për zullumet e MEK-ut të cilat mediat ndërkombëtare po i tregojnë. Komandante Zhilla kontrollon paratë e MEK-ut dhe paraja hedh shurrën përpjetë, thotë populli shqiptar.

Sikur MEK-u të ishte një organizatë bukëpjekësish e cila jeton në një kompleks rezidencial ku xhihadistët iranianë hanë pilaf, rregullojnë dhëmbët dhe dëgjojnë muzikë, babai i Sommayeh Mohammadyt dhe të gjithë shqiptarët do të vërshonin drejt Manzës dhe do takonin Sommayehn dhe qindra xhihadistë të cilët nuk lejohen të takojnë familjet e tyre. Ata do takonin anëtarët e thjeshtë të MEK-ut dhe do i pyesnin pse nuk janë të lirë dhe pse jetojnë brenda këtij kampi idiot ushtarak ku Marjam Rajavi i ushqen si lepuj me bukë dhe me pilaf, i sterilizon që të mos bëjnë seks dhe i mban si kavie për ti hedhur në vdekje dhe xhihad një ditë? Por MEK-u nuk e lejon një gjë të këtillë.

Më poshtë është videoja e L. Todd Woodit dhe bukëpjekësve e pilafbërësve xhihadistë iranianë:



ali safavi_National_Council_Of_Resistance_Of_Iran_NCRI_Saddam_Torturer_terrorist_camp_iraqMEK doesn’t look like a legitimate group (Mojahedin Khalq, MKO, NCRI, Maryam Rajavi cult, …)

Am I a conman? asks MEK Spokesman Ali Safavi. Either I am right or you are wrong, there is nothing in between


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Mojahedin Khalq (MEK, MKO, NCRI, Rajavi cult) keyboard warriors target journalists, Academics, activists

MEK_MKO_Maryam_Rajavi_Cult_Faking_Social_Media_Aljazeera_2018The Listening Post, Aljazeera, September 16 2018:…”Our orders would tell us the hashtags to use in our tweets in order to make them more active,” says Hassan Shahbaz, another former MEK member. “It was our job to provide coverage of these protests by seeking out, tweeting and re-tweeting videos while adding our own comments.”MEK keyboard warriors would also target journalists, … 

Mojahedin_Khalq_MEK_Ch_4_News_AlbaniaThe shadowy cult Trump advisors tout as an alternative to the Iranian government

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Faking the online debate on Iran

How keyboard warriors target journalists, academics and activists who favour dialogue instead of war with Iran.
15 Sep 2018 15:27 GMT

MEK_MKO_Maryam_Rajavi_Cult_Faking_Social_Media_Aljazeera_2018Last month, Google, Facebook and Twitter announced the shutdown of pages and accounts they say were linked to Iran. While the effectiveness of Iran’s online disinformation networks is far from established, the Islamic Republic has now joined Russia in the popular consciousness as another government using the internet to destabilise its adversaries.

Meanwhile, a widespread campaign of social media manipulation by actors who are opposed to the government in Tehran has had many analysts eyeing Iran’s enemies for clues to who might be behind the project.

“The turning point was really [Donald] Trump’s election,” says journalist and New America fellow Azadeh Moaveni. “Once it became clear that there would be heightened hostility with Iran, there was a profusion of new accounts, anonymous accounts who were single-mindedly and purposefully going after people who wrote about, talked about Iran with nuance.”

While Twitter did not respond directly to questions about the methodology it used to detect organised manipulation of its platform, lecturer in Middle East history at Exeter University, Marc Owen Jones, shared with us how he uses freely available Twitter metadata to detect the presence of bots.

“If you want to use bots to be effective you need a lot of accounts, which means you might create a lot of accounts on a specific day or week or month,” explains Jones. “The majority of the accounts tweeting on the #FreeIran and #Iran_Regime_Change hashtag from late December up to May, were created within about a four-month window. What that would suggest is that a lot of the activity on those hashtags came from bots.”

Most of the accounts identified had only a few dozen or a few hundred followers and used generic profile pictures. The vast majority tweet almost exclusively in opposition to the Islamic Republic with many exhibiting sympathies with an exiled Iranian dissident group, the Mujahedeen-e Khalq (MEK).

The MEK was instrumental in Iran’s 1979 revolution but turned to violent attacks on civilian targets after being sidelined by Ayatollah Khomeini. A violent backlash forced the group into Iraqwhere they allied with Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq war.

In 2013, the MEK moved to Albania at the behest of the United States. The group has long lobbied for policies to overthrow Iran’s government.

The MEK declined our request for an interview citing, “terrorist threats of Iranian regime and mobilising the agents of Iranian Ministry of Intelligence under the guise of journalist”.

However, former MEK members still stranded in the Albanian capital, Tirana, having left the group, described how the MEK uses thousands of fake Twitter accounts to both promote their organisation and to boost online calls for regime change.

“Overall I would say that several thousand accounts are managed by about 1,000-1,500 MEK members,” former MEK member, Hassan Heyrani, told The Listening Post. “It was all very well organised and there were clear instructions about what needed to be done.”

The MEK online unit was especially active during several weeks of protests beginning in December 2017. Members were ordered to emphasise the anti-regime character of the demonstrations.

“Our orders would tell us the hashtags to use in our tweets in order to make them more active,” says Hassan Shahbaz, another former MEK member. “It was our job to provide coverage of these protests by seeking out, tweeting and re-tweeting videos while adding our own comments.”

MEK keyboard warriors would also target journalists, academics and activists who favour dialogue rather than confrontation with Iran.

“Because of my platform, I have received a significant amount of Twitter attacks of this kind, but I am nowhere near being alone,” Trita Parsi, author of, Losing an Enemy: Obama, Iran, and the Triumph of Diplomacy, said. “This is actually a very pervasive phenomena, the big victim of this is that we don’t have a rational conversation about policy towards Iran.”

Since access to Iran for journalists is restricted, social media can become a proxy for where the debate is going, leaving open the possibility that both state and non-state actors can use platforms like Twitter to create and manipulate trends in ways that suit their agenda.

“It’s not like what happens on social media stays there any more,” Marc Owen Jones said. “It filters its way into mainstream media. There is so much propaganda, so much fake news that it would take very little to create a wave of what looks like popular Iranian opinion against the government that’s not necessarily real.”


Trita Parsi – Author, Losing an Enemy – Obama, Iran and the Triumph of Diplomacy’
Azadeh Moaveni – Fellow, New America
Marc Owen Jones – Lecturer in Middle East History, Exeter University
Hassan Heyrani – Former MEK member
Hassan Shahbaz – Former MEK member


Rudy_Giuliani_Maryam_Rajavi_Terrorists_MEK_Albanian_Mafia_The MEK’s man inside the White House (Maryam Rajavi cult, Mojahedin Khalq)

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The Most Dangerous Cult In Albania (Albania for Albanians. Not for Terrorist MEK) 

No_to_ME__MKO_NCRI_Maryam_Rajavi_Cult_In AlbaniaEuro Timers, August 28 2018:… Behzad Saffari from Isfahan went to the UK to study dentistry He was recruited by MEK and sent to Iraq after Rajavi moved there. He was injured in operation Eternal Light (Forough Javidan) in 1988 and brought back to London to recover before being sent back to Iraq. Witnesses allege that Behzad was involved in beatings in MEK prisons. Behzad cheated his family out of … 

The MEK’s dirty past includes the anti-Imperialist inspired murder of six Americans in pre-revolution Iran which it later celebrated in songs and publications

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The Most Dangerous Cult In Albania

No_to_ME__MKO_NCRI_Maryam_Rajavi_Cult_In Albania

Albania for Albanians not for terrorist MEK

Albania for Albanians not for Rajavi Terrorists


Mojahedin Khalq, MEK, Rajavi cult in Iraq No more
اتمام قائله مجاهدین خلق، فرقه رجوی در عراق
The End of the Path – Teaser 1
پایان یک راه – تیزر اول

Mojahedin Khalq, MEK, Rajavi cult in Iraq No more
اتمام قائله مجاهدین خلق، فرقه رجوی در عراق
The End of the Path – Teaser ۲
پایان یک راه – تیزر دوم

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Albanian Police No Match For MEK Commanders Trained By Saddam’s Mukhabarat

Albanian_Police_No_Match_For_MEK_Rajavi_Cult_ Saddam_Mukhabarat_1Massoud Khodabandeh,, August 09 2018:… family drama playing out in Albania has caught the attention of media and public opinion. But this is no ordinary drama. It is the story of Iranian born Mostafa and Mahboubeh Mohammadi, who are Canadian citizens and their twenty-one-year struggle to rescue their daughter from a dangerous terrorist cult. In 1997, Somayeh and … 

Mahbube_Rubabe_Hamza_Mohammadi_Tirana_Albania_1Mojahedin / The father rejected, the mother’s writes to her daughter: Come out and meet me, I want to see you before I die 

US Forces Albania To Take IS Fighters After Hosting MEKUS Forces Albania To Take IS Fighters After Hosting MEK

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Albanian Police No Match For MEK Commanders Trained By Saddam’s Mukhabarat

Massoud Khodabandeh

Albanian_Police_No_Match_For_MEK_Rajavi_Cult_ Saddam_Mukhabarat

Afamily drama playing out in Albania has caught the attention of media and public opinion. But this is no ordinary drama. It is the story of Iranian born Mostafa and Mahboubeh Mohammadi, who are Canadian citizens and their twenty-one-year struggle to rescue their daughter from a dangerous terrorist cult.

In 1997, Somayeh and her brother Mohammad, were deceptively recruited into the violent extremist group, Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK). Somayeh was seventeen. They travelled to Iraq for a two week visit to the MEK training camp, and never returned home. Their parents were supporters of MEK and at first simply appealed directly to the group’s leaders for their children’s return to their studies and family. MEK ignored their requests.

It wasn’t until the fall of Saddam’s regime in 2003 that Mostafa was able to travel to Iraq independently of MEK and reach out to his children. He managed to rescue Mohammad and bring him back to Canada. But Somayeh was under constant supervision by MEK commanders who used coercive control to confuse and intimidate the girl. She was afraid to leave, even though she had written several times to the US Marines guarding the camp asking for help.

Albanian_Police_No_Match_For_MEK_Rajavi_Cult_ Saddam_Mukhabarat

Somayeh and Mohammad Mohammadi in Camp Ashraf Iraq

Her parents made repeated attempts to meet freely with Somayeh, so they could reassure her of her future with them in Canada. MEK closed all doors to them and in doing so, alienated a whole family which had been ardent supporters. Mostafa had even volunteered to take part in the MEK orchestrated self-immolations in 2003 to protest the arrest in Paris of MEK leader Maryam Rajavi. He was only saved when a friend snatched the lighter from his hand after Mostafa had doused himself in petrol. Now, instead of returning Somayeh to Canada and having a family of active supporters for their cause, MEK has destroyed the life of a young woman and broken the hearts of her family.

Albanian_Police_No_Match_For_MEK_Rajavi_Cult_ Saddam_Mukhabarat

Mostafa and Mahboubeh Mohammadi interviewed by Albanian media

Somayeh was brought to Albania with another 3,000 MEK after Iraq expelled the terrorist group. From their first arrival in Tirana in 2013, MEK members frightened ordinary citizens with their intimidatory behaviour. Intense and forceful but somehow disengaged, MEK members swept through the capital like a plague. In place of a de-radicalization programme, the Americans in charge of them allowed them to retreat behind the closed walls of a purpose-built terrorist training camp in a rural town, Manez in the district of Durres. In spite of this, over four hundred have managed to escape the group and are willing to endure hardship rather than continue to associate with MEK. One recent escapee described conditions inside MEK as “slavery”.

In this context, Mostafa and Mahboubeh are now in Tirana making another attempt to meet their daughter. This time, without the presence of MEK minders. They have appealed to the Albanian authorities to help them. They refused.

Instead, MEK has been allowed to go berserk, instigating a campaign of propaganda and intimidation that has created a real crisis for the country; for its citizens, its government and its security and law enforcement services.

Albanian media presents this as a family dispute. But there is no equivalence between the ordinary parents from Canada and the people who are surrounding Somayeh. These are people whose background reveals how dangerous they are. So that when the Albanian police are called to an incidence of public disorder, they are not expecting nor are they quipped through training or resources to deal with radicalised violent extremists trained by Saddam Hussein’s Republican Guards, many with blood on their hands. Yet this is what the government has imposed on them. Even the security and intelligence services of Albania are inadequately prepared to deal with the criminal unpredictability and unaccountability of MEK.

The MEK commanders and agents involved in delivering MEK’s version of Somayeh’s story are as follows:

The female commander, Jila Deyhim, was recruited as a student at Manchester University in the UK at the time of Iran’s 1979 Revolution. Her husband Ahmad Shadbakhti was killed in an armed clash with security forces in Tehran. Jila left their daughter in the UK to be raised by her brother Khosro Deyhim (aka Haji) in Newcastle Upon Tyne while she went to join MEK in Iraq.

Jila is the head of MEK Operations in Tirana. As well as being present when two MEK operatives publicly assaulted Mostafa in a street in Tirana, she organised for over 60 MEK to surround Police Station 4 in Tirana while two arrested MEK members were being questioned by police. Afterwards, JIla sent the 60 MEK to spread through the city to hunt down and intimidate and beat up ex-MEK members. (Local police officers, used to dealing with ordinary crimes and criminals, were so shocked by the MEK behaviour that they wrote to the Interior Ministry saying they are not equipped to deal with sixty potential suicide bombers and to ask that the security forces in charge of MEK make sure the police will not have to deal with these ‘guests of the state’ again.)

Historically, Jila served as a commander during the Kurdish massacres – Operation Morvarid (Pearl) in 1991 – as well as many other operations. Witnesses have given further testimony of her torturing and killing disaffected members in MEK/Saddam Hussein prisons in Camp Ashraf. Jila ‘graduated’ as a highly trained intelligence officer under Saddam Hussein’s security service. In addition, she undertook field training, tank driving, basic combat and SWAT command.

Albanian_Police_No_Match_For_MEK_Rajavi_Cult_ Saddam_Mukhabarat

Jila Deyhim in Iraq and in Albania

Homayoun Deyhim – in the pink shirt assaulting Mostafa Mohammadi – is a brother of Jila. He studied Electrical Engineering in Newcastle University in the UK just before the Revolution. During the Revolution he went to India to study for an MSC. In India he worked for MEK, but was later recruited by Jila to go to Iraq.

Homayoun never achieved any significant rank, working mostly in the technical and repair departments. But he is famous inside MEK for agreeing to do anything to get promoted. Hence, on many occasions he was involved in punitive beating and humiliating of other members in Camp Ashraf. Homayoun undertook basic military training and Republican Guards operations training.

In Police Station 4 in Tirana after his arrest for assaulting Mostafa, Jila instructed Homayoun to claim that Mostafa had attacked him. They did not know at that time that there was videoed evidence from the scene which shows what actually happened.

Albanian_Police_No_Match_For_MEK_Rajavi_Cult_ Saddam_Mukhabarat

Homayoun Deyhim in Iraq and Albania

Behzad Saffari from Isfahan went to the UK to study dentistry He was recruited by MEK and sent to Iraq after Rajavi moved there. He was injured in operation Eternal Light (Forough Javidan) in 1988 and brought back to London to recover before being sent back to Iraq. Witnesses allege that Behzad was involved in beatings in MEK prisons. Behzad cheated his family out of their life savings – which he gave to MEK – by falsely claiming to have left the organisation. His father sent money to family members in Canada, but it ended up in MEK accounts in the UK.

Behzad was involved in liaising with the UNHCR during the transfer process from Iraq to Albania. Former members recount how the UNHCR gave each individual 100 USD for the journey and after their arrival. When the members arrived in Tirana airport, Behzad took the $100 from each one of them and gave them one hundred Albanian LEK as local currency (around one US dollar).

Behzad is currently involved with the teams harassing ex-members and journalists in Tirana. Behzad Saffari is liaising with the MEK lawyer and answers to Jila Deyhim.

Albanian_Police_No_Match_For_MEK_Rajavi_Cult_ Saddam_Mukhabarat

Behzad Saffari in Iraq and Albania

Ahmad Taba (aka Akbar), was a student in UMIST (Manchester) at the time of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. He was recruited by MEK to work in London and was then transferred to Iraq after Massoud Rajavi went there.

Ahmad was trained as a helicopter pilot by the Iraqi Army. He graduated from training by Saddam’s Republican Guards, which included guerrilla war and SWAT tactics. He also underwent a 9-month course with Saddam’s Mukhabarat, from which he graduated as an Intelligence officer. He killed many civilians in the Kurdish attacks and there are witnesses connecting him to the torture of prisoners in Camp Ashraf.

Albanian_Police_No_Match_For_MEK_Rajavi_Cult_ Saddam_Mukhabarat

Ahmad Taba in Albania and Iraq

Somayeh Mohammadi herself has not left the MEK camps in Iraq or Albania for twenty-one years. She has no idea about what is happening in the outside world. It is incomprehensible that a woman who claims to be freely pursuing a political struggle for violent regime change against Iran is incapable of meeting alone with her parents to tell them face to face of her decision. Her parents, who know her so well, say it is clear she is afraid and not acting freely when she speaks out against them. Surrounded by the above MEK characters, it is clear that she is under control and is unable to speak or act for herself in any meaningful way. This is not a family dispute, Somayeh is a hostage.

Under the pressure of coercive control, experts can easily recognise in Somayeh a victim who, in the hands of MEK, has been forced to the edge of a cliff over which she may be pushed or fall. If it is subsequently reported that she has disappeared, committed suicide, drowned in a reservoir or otherwise come to harm, there can be no doubt that the government of Albania must be held accountable. She cannot save herself from harm, yet the possibility of MEK harming her is very high. She is in great danger.

Albania may be a failed state, but it is not a rogue state like Saddam’s Iraq. It is a state with pretensions to joining the European Union. The government can and should be held accountable for whatever happens to Somayeh Mohammadi. The way to prevent such an outcome is to step in and separate her from her captors.


Albanian Translation:

Policia shqiptare nuk matet dot me komandantët e MEK-ut të stërvitur nga muhabaratët e Sadamit

Një dramë familjare që po shfaqet në Shqipëri ka tërhequr vëmendjen e mediave dhe opinionit publik. Por kjo nuk është një dramë e zakonshme. Është historia e çiftit iranian Mostafa dhe Mahboubeh Mohammadi, të cilët janë qytetarë kanadezë dhe prej  njëzet e një vitesh luftojnë për të shpëtuar vajzën e tyre nga një kult i rrezikshëm terrorist.

Në vitin 1997, Somayeh dhe vëllai i saj Mohammad, u rekrutuan në mënyrë mashtruese në grupin e dhunshëm ekstremist, Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK). Somayeh ishte shtatëmbëdhjetë vjeç. Ata udhëtuan për në Irak për një vizitë dyjavore në kampin e trajnimit të MEK-ut dhe kurrë nuk u kthyen në shtëpi. Prindërit e tyre ishin përkrahës të MEK-ut dhe së pari thjesht iu drejtuan drejtuesve të grupit për kthimin e fëmijëve të tyre në familje. MEK i shpërfilli kërkesat e tyre.

Deri në rënien e regjimit të Sadamit në vitin 2003, Mostafa ishte në gjendje të udhëtojë në Irak pavarësisht nga MEK dhe të arrijë tek fëmijët e tij. Ai arriti të shpëtojë Muhammedin dhe ta çonte atë në Kanada. Por Somayeh ishte nën mbikëqyrje të vazhdueshme  nga komandantët e MEK që përdorën kontrollin shtrëngues për të ngatërruar dhe frikësuar vajzën. Ajo kishte frikë të largohej, megjithëse kishte shkruar disa herë marinës amerikane që ruanin kampin duke kërkuar ndihmë.

Somayeh dhe Mohammad Mohammadi në Kampin Ashraf, Irak

Prindërit e saj bënin përpjekje të përsëritura për t’u takuar lirshëm me Somayeh dhe për ta rikthyer atë në familjen e tyre në Kanada. MEK i mbylli të gjitha dyert dhe duke vepruar kështu, tjetërsonte një familje të tërë që kishte qenë përkrahës i zjarrtë. Mostafa madje  vullnetarisht mori pjesë në MEK-un në vitin 2003 për të protestuar kundër arrestimit në Paris të liderit MEK Maryam Rajavi. Por edhe pas kësaj sakrifice të Mostafa, MEK nuk e ktheu Somayeh në familjen e saj, por e mban mbyllur duke i shkatërruar jetën dhe duke thyer zemrat e familjarëve të saj.

Somayeh u soll në Shqipëri nga MEK pasi Iraku dëboi grupin terrorist. Që nga ardhja e tyre e parë në Tiranë në vitin 2013, anëtarët e MEK-ut i frikësuan qytetarët me  sjelljen e tyre intimidatore dhe menjëherë ata u përhapën në qytet si një murtajë .

Në vend të një programi de-radikalizimi, amerikanët përgjegjës për to i lejuan të tërhiqen prapa mureve të mbyllura të një kampi stërvitjeje të ndërtuar në një qytet rural të Durrësit, Manëz. Përkundër kësaj, më shumë se katërqind njerëz kanë arritur të shpëtojnë nga grupi dhe janë të gatshëm të përballojnë vështirësitë në vend që të vazhdojnë të lidhen me MEK. Një i arratisur i kohëve të fundit përshkroi kushtet brenda MEK si “skllavëri”.

Mostafa dhe Mahboubeh janë tani në Tiranë duke bërë një përpjekje tjetër për të takuar vajzën e tyre. Ata u janë lutur autoriteteve shqiptare për t’i ndihmuar. Ata refuzuan.

Në vend të kësaj, MEK-u është lejuar të nxisë një fushatë të propagandës dhe frikësimit që ka krijuar një krizë të vërtetë për vendin, për qytetarët e saj, qeverinë e saj, sigurinë e saj dhe shërbimet e zbatimit të ligjit.

Mediat shqiptare e paraqesin këtë si një mosmarrëveshje familjare . Por nuk ekziston ekuivalenca mes prindërve të zakonshëm nga Kanadaja dhe njerëzve që po rrethojnë Somayeh. Këta janë njerëz, prejardhja e të cilëve zbulon sa të rrezikshëm janë. Kështu që kur policia shqiptare është thirrur në një incident të çrregullimit publik, ata as nuk janë përfshirë në trajnime apo burime për t’u marrë me ekstremistët e dhunshëm të radikalizuar të trajnuar nga rojet republikane të Saddam Husseinit, shumë prej të cilëve me gjak në duart e tyre. Megjithatë, kjo është ajo që qeveria u ka imponuar atyre. Edhe shërbimet e sigurisë dhe të inteligjencës së Shqipërisë nuk janë të përgatitur në mënyrë adekuate për t’u marrë me paparashikueshmërinë dhe mosgndërgjegjshmërinë kriminale të MEK.

Komandantët dhe agjentët e MEK-ut të përfshirë në dorëzimin e versionit të MEK-ut për historinë e Somayeh janë si më poshtë:

Komandantja femër, Jila Deyhim, u rekrutua si studente në Universitetin e Manchesterit në Mbretërinë e Bashkuar në kohën e Revolucionit të Iranit në 1979. Burri i saj Ahmad Shadbakhti u vra në një përleshje të armatosur me forcat e sigurisë në Teheran. Jila la vajzën e tyre në Britani të Madhe për t’u rritur nga vëllai i saj Khosro Deyhim (aka Haji) në Neëcastle Upon Tyne ndërsa ajo shkoi të bashkohej me MEK në Irak.

Jila është kreu i Operacioneve të MEK-ut në Tiranë. Përveç faktit se dy oficerë të MEK-ut e sulmuan publikisht Mostafën në një rrugë në Tiranë, ajo organizoi për më shumë se 60 MEK që rrethonin Stacionin e Policisë 4 në Tiranë, ndërsa dy anëtarë të arrestuar të MEK-ut u pyetën nga policia. Më pas, JIla dërgoi 60 MEK për tu përhapur nëpër qytet për të ndjekur, frikësuar dhe rrahur ish-anëtarët e MEK. (Zyrtarët e policisë lokale, të përdorur për t’u marrë me krimet e zakonshme dhe kriminelët, u tronditën aq shumë nga sjellja e MEK-ut dhe ata i shkruan Ministrisë së Brendshme duke thënë se nuk janë të pajisur për t’u marrë me gjashtëdhjetë vetë sulmues vetëvrasës potencialë”.)

Historikisht, Jila shërbeu si komandante gjatë masakrave kurde, në Operacionin Morvarid (Pearl) në 1991, si dhe shumë operacione të tjera. Dëshmitarët kanë dhënë dëshmi të mëtejshme për torturimin dhe vrasjen e anëtarëve të pakënaqur në burgjet e MEK. Jila ‘u diplomua’ si një oficere e inteligjencës  e trajnuar nën shërbimin e sigurisë së Sadam Huseinit. Përveç kësaj, ajo ndërmori trainim në terren, vozitje tank, luftë bazë dhe komandë SWAT.

Jila Deyhim në Irak dhe në Shqipëri

Homayoun Deyhim, që sulmoi Mostafa Mohammadin është vëllai i Jilas. Ai studioi Inxhinieri Elektrike në Universitetin e Neëcastle në Mbretërinë e Bashkuar vetëm para Revolucionit. Gjatë Revolucionit ai shkoi në Indi për të studiuar për një MSC. Në Indi punoi për MEK, por më vonë u rekrutua nga Jila për të shkuar në Irak.

Homayoun kurrë nuk ka arritur ndonjë gradë të rëndësishme, duke punuar kryesisht në departamentet teknike dhe të riparimit. Por ai është i famshëm brenda MEK-ut për të rënë dakord të bëjë diçka për t’u promovuar. Prandaj, në shumë raste ai ishte i përfshirë në rrahjen dhe poshtërimin e anëtarëve të tjerë në Kampin Ashraf. Homayoun ndërmori trajnimin bazë ushtarak dhe trajnimin e operacioneve të rojave republikane.

Në Stacionin Policor 4 në Tiranë, pas arrestimit të tij për sulm ndaj Mostafës, Jila e udhëzoi Homayoun të pohonte se Mostafa e kishte sulmuar atë. Ata nuk e dinin në atë kohë se kishte prova video nga skena që tregon se çfarë ndodhi në të vërtetë.

Homayoun Deyhim në Irak dhe Shqipëri

Behzad Saffari nga Isfahan shkoi në Mbretërinë e Bashkuar për të studiuar stomatologji. Ai u rekrutua nga MEK dhe u dërgua në Irak pasi Rajavi u transferua atje. Ai u plagos në operacion Dritën e Përjetshme (Forough Javidan) në vitin 1988 dhe u kthye në Londër për t’u rimarr para se të kthehej në Irak. Dëshmitarët pohojnë se Behzad ishte i përfshirë në rrahje në burgjet e MEK. Behzad mashtroi familjen e tij nga kursimet e tyre të jetës, të cilën ai i dha MEK duke pretenduar në mënyrë të rreme që të kishte lënë organizatën. Babai i tij i dërgoi paratë anëtarëve të familjes në Kanada, por ajo përfundoi në llogaritë e MEK në Britani të Madhe.

Behzad ishte i përfshirë në kontakt me UNHCR-në gjatë procesit të transferimit nga Iraku në Shqipëri. Anëtarët e mëparshëm tregojnë se si UNHCR-ja i dha çdo individi 100 dollarë për udhëtimin dhe pas mbërritjes së tyre. Kur anëtarët arritën në aeroportin e Tiranës, Behzad mori 100 $ nga secili prej tyre dhe u dha atyre njëqind Lek Shqiptar si monedhë vendase (rreth një dollar amerikan).

Behzad aktualisht është i përfshirë me ekipet që kërcënojnë ish-anëtarë dhe gazetarë në Tiranë. Behzad Saffari po bashkëpunon me avokatin e MEK dhe përgjigjet ndaj Jila Deyhim.

Behzad Saffari në Irak dhe Shqipëri

Ahmad Taba (aka Akbar), ishte student në UMIST (Manchester) në kohën e Revolucionit iranian në 1979. Ai u rekrutua nga MEK për të punuar në Londër dhe më pas u transferua në Irak, pasi Massoud Rajavi shkoi atje.

Ahmedi u trajnua si një pilot helikopteri nga Ushtria Irakiane. Ai u diplomua nga rojet republikane të Sadamit, ku përfshiheshin luftërat guerile dhe taktikat SWAT. Ai gjithashtu pbëri një kurs 9-mujor me Mukhabaratin e Sadamit, nga i cili u diplomua si oficer i inteligjencës. Ai vrau shumë civilë në sulmet kurde dhe ka dëshmitarë që e lidhin atë me torturimin e të burgosurve në Kampin Ashraf.

Ahmed Taba në Shqipëri dhe Irak

Somayeh Mohammadi vetë nuk ka lënë kampet e MEK në Irak apo Shqipëri për njëzet e një vjet. Ajo nuk ka asnjë ide se çfarë po ndodh në botën e jashtme. Është e pakuptueshme që një grua që pretendon se po ndjek lirisht një luftë politike për ndryshimin e dhunshëm të regjimit kundër Iranit, është e paaftë të takohet me prindërit e saj për t’iu treguar ballë për ballë vendimin e saj. Prindërit e saj, të cilët e njohin atë aq mirë, thonë se është e qartë se ajo ka frikë dhe nuk vepron lirshëm kur flet kundër tyre. I rrethuar nga personazhet e MEK-ut të mësipërm, është e qartë se ajo është nën kontroll dhe nuk është në gjendje të flasë ose të veprojë për vete në ndonjë mënyrë kuptimplotë. Kjo nuk është një mosmarrëveshje familjare, Somayeh është një peng.

Nën presionin e kontrollit shtrëngues, ekspertët lehtë mund të njohin në Somayeh një viktimë e cila, në duart e MEK, është detyruar në buzë të një shkëmbi mbi të cilin mund të shtyhet ose të bjerë. Nëse më vonë raportohet se ajo është zhdukur, ka kryer vetëvrasje, është mbytur në një rezervuar, nuk ka dyshim se qeveria shqiptare duhet të mbajë përgjegjësi. Ajo nuk mund të shpëtojë veten nga dëmtimi, por mundësia e dëmtimit të MEK-ut është shumë e lartë. Ajo është në rrezik të madh.

Shqipëria mund të jetë një shtet i dështuar, por nuk është një shtet bandit si Iraku i Sadamit. Është një shtet me pretendime për t’u bashkuar me Bashkimin Evropian. Qeveria mundet dhe duhet të mbajë përgjegjësi për çfarëdo që ndodh me Somayeh Mohammadi. Mënyra për të parandaluar një rezultat të tillë është ndarja e saj nga MEK.

Burimi: The Iranian/ Gazeta impakt

Albanian report

Publikuar tek: AKTUALITET, më 20:11 08-08-2018

Prej disa ditësh në mediat shqiptare qarkullon historia e një gruaje muxhahedine me banim në Shqipëri, e cila refuzon të bashkohet me prindërit e mbërritur nga Kanadaja në Tiranë.
Somayeh i quan prindërit e saj “agjentë iranianë”, ndërsa i ka bërë disa herë thirrje publike shtetit shqiptar t’i vijë në ndihmë.

Nga ana tjetër, prindërit Mostafa dhe Mahboubeh Mohammadi thonë se vajza e tyre është pjesë e një kulti të rrezikshëm terroristësh, MEK apo Mojahedin-e Khalq.

Faqja “online” tregon versionin tjetër të historisë dhe ngre alarmin për rrezikshmërinë që paraqesin muxhahedinët që strehohen në Shqipëri.

“Iranian” identifikon disa prej muxhahedinëve për të cilët thotë se janë trajnuar nga Garda e diktatorit Saddam Hussein me taktika lufte të avancuara. Në artikull thuhet se ata dhunojnë dhe intimidojnë muxhahedinët që braktisin kampin në Shqipëri.

“Në rast mosbindje apo revlotë”, policia shqiptare por edhe shërbimet inteligjente shqiptare “janë të paafta përballë këtij rreziku të madh që i kanoset”, shkruhen ndër të tjera në artikull.


The Iran Protests, Regime Change, And The MEKThe Iran Protests, Regime Change, And The MEK

Also read:

Albania: MEK rebrands by assassinating unwanted members 

Maryam Rajavi MEK rebrands by assassinating unwanted membersMassoud and Anne Khodabandeh, Balkans Post, June 22 2018:… The mysterious disappearance of a member of the Mojahedin Khalq (MEK) terrorist group in Albania has once again drawn attention to this controversial group. Malek Sharaee, 47, originally from Khuzestan Province in Iran, was reportedly drowned in the Rrotull village irrigation water reservoir. After three days, divers have not found his body even though the … 

Maryam Rajavi MEK rebrands by assassinating unwanted members

Link to the source

Albania: MEK rebrands by assassinating unwanted members

Massoud Keshmiri: Killed Iran’s PM and President – last seen in Germany after escaping MEK

The mysterious disappearance of a member of the Mojahedin Khalq (MEK) terrorist group in Albania has once again drawn attention to this controversial group. Malek Sharaee, 47, originally from Khuzestan Province in Iran, was reportedly drowned in the Rrotull village irrigation water reservoir. After three days, divers have not found his body even though the water channel is only 3.5 meters deep. However, a MEK representative and three MEK witnesses say his clothes were found at the water’s edge. Police are now investigating this as a possible criminal offense. Even so, unless they gain access to Camp Ashraf Three, the MEK’s purpose-built training camp in Manez, they are unlikely to unearth the truth – MEK impunity is far greater than this small country can deal with or penetrate.

MEK (aka Saddam’s Private Army) was unknown in Albania until they arrived after 2013. Their bizarre behavior and controversial activitiessoon became the focus of media attention.

But the MEK’s dark history began long before this. Along with well-publicised military-style terrorist attacks on Iran since the 1980s, the MEK was also trained by Saddam Hussein’s Mukhaberat (Secret Services) and later by Israel’s MOSSAD, in intelligence gathering and secret operations. As a result, MEK has also conducted many covert terror acts and assassinations over the years. Several of these were deliberately staged to make it look like Iran was involved. Such as the 1994 bombing of the Jewish community center in Buenos Aires. In spite of extensive investigation, the primary evidence linking Iran came from four high ranking intelligence officers from MEK.  In 2011, a man connected to Mexican drug dealers was arrested for the attempted murder of the Saudi Ambassadorto America. The US quickly accused Iran, but after two weeks the perpetrator was linked to MEK. In 2013, Israel arrested a Swedish Iranian man, Ali Mansouri, who ‘confessed’ to be spying for Iran in Tel Aviv. He turned out to be a MEK member.

The underlying pattern behind these events is of deception and callous, cynical murder. These examples are not unique. MEK has a long history of highly sophisticated and brutal undercover activity. However, the reported death of Malek Sharaee in Albania this week also points to a new phase in MEK covert activity. This time individual MEK members who were previously involved in known acts of violence are now themselves becoming victims of their own organization.

Internal assassinations are not new – Commander Ali Zarkesh was deliberately killedduring a military operation in 1988 because he had become critical of the leadership. There have been hundreds of reports of suspicious deaths and actual murders over the last three decades committed against critics and rivals.

In 2013, former MEK member Massoud Dalili was identified as the 53rd victim of a massacre at Camp Ashraf in Iraq. MEK only acknowledged his death when the Iraqi authorities formally identified him via his DNA. Dalili’s body had been deliberately disfigured (his face and hands burned) to hide his identity. Massoud Dalili had been one of the personal security personnel for leader Massoud Rajavi. He had undergone training with Saddam’s Republican Guards and the MEK’s own specialist training. Before coming to Iraq, Dalili had headed a small MEK team in Gilan Province where he was responsible for scores of deaths, including civilians.

Massoud Dalili: Wanted for terrorism in Gilan Province – killed in Camp Ashraf, Iraq


Another victim killed during the same attack was Zohreh Ghaemi, She had commanded the assassination of General Sayad Shirazi in 1999. Of the other victims that day, at least ten are known to have participated in known acts of violence for MEK. No one claimed responsibility for the attack on Camp Ashraf.

Zohreh Ghaemi: Responsible for the assassination of General Shirazi – shot in Camp Ashraf, Iraq

In 2015, in the Netherlands, Mohamad Reza Kolahi was killed by a criminal gang on the order of MEK. Investigators confirmed that Kolahi was responsible for the 1981 bombing of the headquarters of the Islamic Republic Party in Tehran in which 72 high-ranking politicians and party members were killed.

Mohammad Reza Kolahi: Bombed Party headquarters in Iran – shot by gang members in
the Netherlands while in hiding from MEK

Another MEK member, Massoud Keshmiri, responsible for the bombing which killed PM Bahonar and President Rajai in 1981, was last seen with MEK in Germany some years ago. He has since vanished and could be dead. Although these deaths cannot be said to be directly linked, there is a common thread whose purpose becomes clear when we remember 2016 when Prince Turki al-Faisal, former Saudi Intelligence chief, announced the death of MEK leader Massoud Rajavi. It is clear from this that MEK is being purged from top to bottom of all the individuals who have had involvement or are associated with its violent past – rebranding by assassination to make the group legally acceptable.

MEK has become the pattern for how other defeated terrorist groupings can be reinvigorated, rebranded and reused. The controversy following the Bulgarian PM’s announcement that “Albania will become a coordination center for fighters returning from ISIS to the Balkans” may die down soon – Prime Minister Rama later dismissed this as fantasy, but he is not convincing.Instead, the history of the MEK in Albania indicates that the same scenario will be repeated. As ISIS fighters arrive and settle, the process will start just as it did with MEK. Expect more mysterious murders, suicides, disappearances, bizarre interventions to prevent investigations. And, of course, the involvement of Albanian citizens, politicians, and personalities for and against. Plus, not only abandoning any hope of joining the EU, but suffering more restrictions on the borders with the EU and Balkan countries.

Hossein Abrishamchi: Responsible for torture and destroying bodies, known as ‘the Engineering Project’ in MEK –
died in suspicious circumstances during a mortar attack on Camp Liberty, Iraq
Javad Ghadiri: Wanted for terrorism, including a failed assassination attempt against Ayatollah Khamenei –
whereabouts unknown, possibly in Camp Ashraf Three, Albania


Massoud Khodabandeh is the Director of Middle East Strategy Consultants and has worked long-term with the authorities in Iraq to bring about a peaceful solution to the impasse at Camp Liberty and help rescue other victims of the Mojahedin-e Khalq cult. Khodabandeh co-authored the book ‘The Life of Camp Ashraf – Victims of Many Masters’ with his wife Anne Singleton.



Also read:

National Security: Could Maryam Rajavi (Mojahedin Khalq) blackmail her friends in high places – Rudi Giuliani, John Bolton and Newt Gingrich 

مسعود خدابندهMassoud Khodabandeh, Huffington Post, November 12 2016:… In particular, Rudi Giuliani, John Bolton and Newt Gingrich. Putting aside their weak personalities as well as their individual neoconservative agendas, the common thread which links these names together is their decade long support for the Mojahedin Khalq terrorist organisation (also known as Saddam’s Private Army or Rajavi cult). It is certain that … 

Massoud Khodabandeh: The Iranian Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK) and Its Media Strategy:
Methods of Information Manufacture

Can Albania deradicalise Mojahedin Khalq Rajavi cultMassoud Khodabandeh, Huffington Post: Can Albania Meet its Obligations and De-radicalize an Influx of Terrorists into Europe? 

Link to the source (Huffington Post)
Link to the source (Top Topic)

National Security: Could Maryam Rajavi (Mojahedin Khalq) blackmail her friends in high places – Rudi Giuliani, John Bolton and Newt Gingrich

John Bolton speaks at an MEK rally

As the reverberations of the American election echo and ripple across America and around the world, some of its repercussions are already being felt – demonstrations, racist attacks, global market and currency fluctuations, the Russian reaction and more. But as President-elect Trump considers who to appoint to the most influential positions in his Administration, the hopeful candidates may want to consider repercussions which may arise from their own backgrounds.

In particular, Rudi GiulianiJohn Bolton and Newt Gingrich. Putting aside their weak personalities as well as their individual neoconservative agendas, the common thread which links these names together is their decade long support for the Mojahedin Khalq terrorist organisation(also known as Saddam’s Private Army or Rajavi cult).

Newt Gingrich bows to Maryam Rajavi

It is certain that neither these three hopefuls nor the MEK believed they would make a comeback. Rudi Giuliani, John Bolton and Newt Gingrich are not Republican favourites. But apparently, with the election of Donald Trump, their time has come. The MEK also didn’t think Trump could win and therefore advertised for Hillary Clinton in their websites.

Rudi Giuliani with Maryam Rajavi

In American politics, such things can be quickly glossed over, dismissed as political strategies. But Donald Trump does need to take this past into consideration. What Rudi Giuliani, John Bolton and Newt Gingrich do not know is that the MEK have a full record of all their meetings, dialogue and discussions. After being tutored by Saddam’s Intelligence service the MEK learned to film and record every conversation with an external person, particularly people like Rudi Giuliani, on every occasion whether in the US, Paris or Europe, even during dinner gatherings. This means that every time they hosted speakers and supporters in Paris or America these meetings were recorded. The MEK is now in possession of hundreds of hours of audio/video recordings as well as emails and phone calls of individuals like these three who have been mingling openly over the past decade with people they took to be ordinary oppositionists, but were in fact trained agents of the MEK and Saddam. The recordings can be edited and published by the MEK to suit the time, need and place.

John Bolton with Mojahedin Khalq operatives

The MEK’s hope was, of course, that by recording these private conversations they could be used in future to pressurise or even blackmail individuals if needed. They perhaps didn’t have any hope then that these individuals would reach such high office. As such this is a national security concern for the US. No one knows what is in the tapes and no one knows how these three, who have done everything for a fee in the past, would be able to stop the MEK from exposing them.

These three entered into paid lobbying for a group such as Mojahedin Khalq knowingly (perhaps not envisaging a day which they could be back in the game) accepting the end of their careers as officials. If they are now brought back and appointed to key positions, US policy could simply be taken hostage by a notorious terrorist organisation such as the Mojahedin Khalq.

Even if these three gave assurances that the paid support they gave to Maryam Rajavi and her terrorist cult Mojahedin Khalq has been done purely on straightforward lobbying grounds, no one can be certain that a decade of recordings and document gathering by the MEK would not end up producing enough leverage to highjack the national security of the United States and or its allies across the globe.

President Trump (and security advisors) simply can’t afford to take such a risk with the future of the country.


2015-10-29-1446141457-4261917-syria2013Aleppo.jpgMassoud Khodabandh, Huffington post Nov. 2015:
Syrian Negotiations Won’t Provide One Winner But Will Ensure Violence Is Absolute Loser

تعلیم دیدگان صدام مجاهدین خلق رجوی از عراق تا آلبانیAlbanian citizens fearful of radicalised Mojahedin Khalq neighbours deserve more information


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Maryam Rajavi — MEK Propaganda Queen — Advertises Her Services For Iran’s Enemies 

Maryam RajaviMassoud Khodabandeh, Huffington Post, July 08 2016:… Clearly this message is not aimed at Iranians. The clamour for regime change in Iran does not emanate from inside the country in spite of its many social, civic and political problems. Who then is Maryam Rajavi’s constituency? From whom is she hoping to garner support?Many constituencies outside Iran wish fervently for its destruction. It is enlightening that Maryam Rajavi’s … 

What does it mean when we say ISIS operates as a mind control cult?

Link to the source

Maryam Rajavi — MEK Propaganda Queen — Advertises Her Services For Iran’s Enemies

Co-authored by Anne Khodabandeh


The Middle East is in turmoil. Deaths and destruction are a daily occurrence throughout the region. Families flee their homes in fear, forced into an uncertain future. No end is in sight. Yet into this calamitous scenario a slick, sophisticated terrorist recruiter’s advert has popped up which ISIS itself could learn from.

The National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) website carries a glamorous advertising campaign for a Grand Gathering. Surrounded by glitzy pictures of flag-waving youth, the central focus of this gathering is ‘Our pledge: regime change’.

Well, we all know what that means. Don’t we? Apparently not. Because this advertising doesn’t reflect the destruction wrought in Iraq, Libya, Syria, Yemen. Here is no promise of jihad and the caliphate. It looks very much like a carnival. Which is exactly what it is – a show. So, what is meant by the promise of regime change?

The first port of call is to understand that the NCRI is just another name for the Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK) which was also known as the National Liberation Army of Iran (NLA).

Back in 1994, MEK leader Massoud Rajavi tasked his wife Maryam to leave Iraq for America in order to regain political recognition of the Mojahedin Khalq as ‘the’ Iranian opposition which had been lost when he refused to abandon Saddam Hussein during the First Gulf war.

Refused entry to the USA as the leader of a terrorist entity Maryam instead took up residence in France as a refugee. But instead of meeting politicians to talk about how the MEK could overthrow the Iranian regime, she discovered she could simply create the illusion of support by paying both audience and speakers. She discovered a talent for dressing up, holding fancy dinner parties and talking about her cult ideology.

To create the appearance of a willing audience for her views, she recruited a rag-tag following of Iranian economic refugees who would happily turn up when paid for their services. She paid for feminists from North America, Europe and Scandinavia to visit Auvers-sur-Oise and attend dinner parties. She posed in her hijab to speak about her version of feminism to these western women; carefully spelling it out for them that they would never really understand what feminism is until they understood her husband Massoud Rajavi.

When Massoud recalled her to Iraq in 1997 she had spent a third of the total MEK budget and had no political support to show for it. She had lost around half the loyal MEK members who had defected whilst in Europe. With morale at an all-time low, Maryam was forced to retreat to Iraq with what remained of her personnel and leave the western bases in the hands of largely uneducated paid ‘supporters’.


When allied forces next invaded Iraq in 2003 Maryam Rajavi again fled to France. This time, as luck would have it, western politics was focused on curtailing Iran’s nuclear programme which it insisted was aimed at creating a nuclear weapon. The MEK’s services as propaganda experts were just what was needed, ensuring the MEK’s ostensible survival as an opposition group.

But in reality the MEK was already in terminal decline. Its fighting forces, disarmed in 2003, are currently being transferred from Iraq to Albania by the UNHCR to begin a process of de-radicalisation and reintegration back into normal society. Nobody expects veterans with an average age of sixty to wage the terrorism of thirty years ago. Disarmament also allowed American experts to investigate years of complaints about human rights and cultic abuses inside the MEK. As long as the MEK was being used to muddy the waters of the nuclear negotiations, such details could be glossed over. But since last year when agreement was reached, the MEK’s murky past can no longer be dismissed.

The main reason, of course, is that the new theme for challenging Iran in the international community is based on the country’s dismal human rights record. But Maryam Rajavi has her own well documented human rights abuse dossier to answer for. The MEK, under whatever name it is used, is simply the wrong tool to use to demonise Iran.

Beyond this, the MEK is not the popular opposition its own advertising claims it to be. The group is almost universally despised among Iranians both inside the country and in the diaspora. Not only did the MEK fight alongside Saddam Hussein’s army during the devastating eight-year Iran-Iraq war, but the MEK’s anti-Iran role in the nuclear negotiations hit a nerve with most ordinary Iranians who regarded support for their country’s right to nuclear technology as an issue ofnationalism rather than politics.

Maryam Rajavi cannot get support from Iranians unless it is paid for. Nor can Maryam Rajavi deign to share a platform with any other Iranian opposition personality. So this year Maryam Rajavi will again do what she does best; pay audience and speakers alike to give the illusion of support.

So, back to the recent advertising campaign. Any publicity campaign will be successful if it is newsworthy. Maryam, however, simply churns out the same scenario ad infinitum. Starting with describing a terrible situation in Iran – based on news items that can be gleaned from any serious reporting outlet – she then proposes a ten-point plan for Iran, approved this year by Italian parliamentarians. And then she promises regime change.

Clearly this message is not aimed at Iranians. The clamour for regime change in Iran does not emanate from inside the country in spite of its many social, civic and political problems. Who then is Maryam Rajavi’s constituency? From whom is she hoping to garner support?

Many constituencies outside Iran wish fervently for its destruction. It is enlightening that Maryam Rajavi’s websites are home to a bizarre mixture of anti-Shia, anti-Iran, anti-Syria, items which reflect very closely the views of neocons, Israel and Saudi Arabia.

Maryam Rajavi is not promising regime change, she is advertising her services as a propaganda queen.


Also read:

  • Massoud Khodabandeh, Balkans Post, July 23 2017:… Although the MEK are experts at intimidation and propaganda, in reality the expulsion of the MEK from Europe should be neither controversial nor unexpected. No government in Europe supports the presence of extremists in their midst and the MEK has a long history of extremist behaviour and messaging. The self-immolations in western capitals are an example of their actual behaviour … 

    Anne_Khodabandeh_Singleton_On_Radicalisation_Cults_TerrorismAnne Khodabandeh (Singleton), Open minds, July 08 2017:… Anne Khodabandeh. After twenty years in the terrorist cult Mojahedin-e Khalq, Anne (with her husband Massoud Khodabandeh) established the English language website in 2001 to expose the group as a cult and support former members. Anne works with families of MEK campaigning to rescue their loved ones. Anne has written extensively … 

    MEP Gérard Deprez with Maryam RajaviMassoud Khodabandeh,, Huffpost, June 28 2017:…  Like many statements and petitions over the years which mention the MEK this looks like fake news. Anyway, it would have been much easier to pass this off as genuine if Deprez had also published the names of the 265 signatories. As parliamentarians, it is doubtful they would feel endangered by publicly announcing their views in this way. Unless, of course, they had spotted the … 

    Massoud Khodabandeh,  Huffpost, June 27 2017:… Perhaps the time is finally ripe for a new appraisal of what zero tolerance means for France. The MEK’s messages promoting violent regime change should no longer be tolerated. President Emmanuel Macron’s new centrist movement has won a large majority in the French parliament giving him a strong hand to play. He already revealed himself to be a shrewd and … 

    Maryam Rajavi Baghdadi MEK ISIS terror TehranMassoud Khodabandeh,, June 20 2017:… The following piece has been written by somebody I know well. He does not want his real name to be used because that would jeopardize the sensitive nature of his current work in counter terrorism in Europe – Massoud Khodabandeh… As a former member of the Mojahedin Khalq terrorist organization (MEK), I followed the news of terrorist attacks on Tehran with shame, guilt and anger. My shame and guilt stem … 

    Massoud Khodabandeh, Huffpost, June 02 2017:… The meeting was organised by Ana Gomes, SND (Portugal) and seconded by Marietje Schaake, ALDE (Netherlands) and Michael Gahler, Christian Democrats (Germany). Two expert speakers were invited to address the meeting: Nicola Pedde, Director Institute for Global Studies, Italy and Massoud Khodabandeh, Director Middle East Strategy Consultants, UK. … 

    Elona Gjebrea_Maryam RajaviMassoud and Anne Khodabandeh, Huffpost, May 18 2017:… In Albania, Elona Gjebrea also has close ties to the United States on the issue of people trafficking and slavery. The US embassy in Tirana, Albania acknowledged the State Department’s annual Trafficking in Persons report in June 2016 by saying, “The United States appreciates the close cooperation with the Government of Albania, civil society and especially National … 

    Massoud Khodabandeh, Top topic, May 08 2017:…  Rajavi then publishes these alongside letters signed by American personalities in support of the MEK. The letters from the Americans are addressed to the Albanian Prime Minister and bear the familiar hallmark of MEK authorship. (One letter published by the MEK is signed in blue ink. We can only speculate how the MEK obtained the original letter which should have been sent directly from the Americans to the Albanian PM!) … 

    Michael Ware with MEK Mojahedin Khalq Rajavi cult NCRINational Geographic, March 04 2017:… Leading MEK members squirm under the knowing gaze of Michael Ware. Watch the shifty looks and glances as the MEK representatives try to lie about their true intentions. They admit to wanting regime change, but claim to be pacifists. Ware asks ‘Why does a political organization still need to have a para-military organization?’ He then cleverly gets them to … 

    Maryam Rajavi Saddam's private army NCRIAssociated Press, February 16 2017:… The group at one point successfully infiltrated the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, according to a State Department report. And a series of bombings attributed to the MEK accompanied visits by presidents Richard Nixon and Jimmy Carter to Iran, including one to target an American cultural center. In 1973, MEK assailants wearing motorcycle helmets shot dead U.S. Army Lt. … 

    Wesley Martin Mojahedin Khlq Rajavi cult 1Iran Interlink, February 15 2017:… The following OpEd by MEK advocate Col. Wes Martin was published first in The Hill, followed by Mojahedin Khalq’s “Iran Probe” and the “NCRI” websites. Iran Interlink has published it here as indication of how hysteria has become the new normal in American published writing. A form of madness appears to have infected US politics and now all and sundry are dancing … 


    Col. Jack Turner Col. Paul ShafferMassoud Khodabandeh, Huffington Post, February 07 2017:… He also signals that his war is not with ISIS but with the country Iran. Donald Trump rose to victory in part on the promise to take on ISIS and defeat the group. Yet ISIS cannot be defeated except by a coalition of forces that includes Iran. The facts on the ground in Syria and Iraq demonstrate unequivocally that ISIS forces in Aleppo and Mosul have been defeated largely due to the involvement

    Gazeta Impakt, Albania, Translated by Iran Interlink,  January 01 2017:… According to Fatos Klosi, former director of the National Intelligence Service, the American CIA chief has warned Albania that Donald Trump will renounce support for the MEK terrorists and it will be the Albanian Government itself which must deal with internal security and must confront a group trained militarily from the time of Saddam Hussein … 

    مسعود خدابندهMassoud Khodabandeh, Huffington Post, December 24 2016:… That can only happen if journalists and investigatory bodies (human rights, nuclear experts, war crimes, etc) are able to base their work on facts and not the fake and fictionalised fantasies of stooges like the MEK, which are clearly designed to misinform on these issues. The information laundry cycle is not difficult to follow – the Washington Times takes its report … 

    مسعود خدابندهMassoud Khodabandeh, Huffington Post, November 12 2016:… In particular, Rudi Giuliani, John Bolton and Newt Gingrich. Putting aside their weak personalities as well as their individual neoconservative agendas, the common thread which links these names together is their decade long support for the Mojahedin Khalq terrorist organisation (also known as Saddam’s Private Army or Rajavi cult). It is certain that … .

     mek_albania_June2013Iran Interlink, October 30 2016:… Local observers in Tirana are reporting that the Mojahedin Khalq cultic terror group (MEK) is buying and creating several sandwich and kebab shops in the city and is using the MEK members to work in these fast-food businesses. On the surface this may look like a positive move. In an article titled ‘Albania: What would a de-radicalization program for the Mojahedin Khalq involve’, it was … 

    mojahedin-khalq-albania-pm-ramaAnne and Massoud Khodabandeh, Iran Interlink, October 16 2016:… In spite of American promises, no de-radicalisation programme is in place to deal with over 2500 members of the Mojahedin Khalq terrorist group who have relocated to Tirana from Iraq. The MEK has a long history of violent and criminal activity. This has not stopped now they are in Tirana. Unless the Albanian government introduces its own programme, it must accept … 

    Radicalised Mojahedin Khalq from Iraq to AlbaniaAnne and Massoud Khodabandeh, Huffington post (and Top Topic), October 09 2016:… For the local citizens, mystery surrounds their arrival and their lifestyle. Should these secretive and covert neighbours be treated with suspicion or kindness? At a local level, the first thing neighbouring families need to be aware of is that among all MEK members, sexual relations have been banned for over 25 years. This means there are no marriages or children or young people in the organisation. More troubling … 

    Massoud & Anne Khodabandeh, Huffington Post, July 14 2016:… Whether Rajavi is already dead or now killable is not known – only he can answer this – but he and his whole organisation are certainly now, body and soul, in the capable hands of the Saudi Prince. If he is still alive, Rajavi’s only role is to act as go-between to instruct his wife what she must do on behalf of the Saudis. If he is dead

    Maryam RajaviMassoud Khodabandeh, Huffington Post, July 08 2016:… Clearly this message is not aimed at Iranians. The clamour for regime change in Iran does not emanate from inside the country in spite of its many social, civic and political problems. Who then is Maryam Rajavi’s constituency? Fro

    Maryam Rajavi, leader of the Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), takes part in a rally in Villepinte, near ParisMassoud Khodabandeh, Toptopic, July 03 2016:… So, back to the recent advertising campaign. Any publicity campaign will be successful if it is newsworthy. Maryam, however, simply churns out the same scenario ad infinitum. Starting with describing a terrible situation in Iran – based on news items that can be gleaned from any serious report

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