Nejat Society, December 22 2019:… The most iconic and prominent father and son in the MEK are Massoud Rajavi and his son Mohammad. Mohammad was an infant in the safe house where his mother Ashraf was killed in an armed clash between the MEK agents and the Iranian forces in Tehran. He was then taken to Iraq and then to Europe where he grew up and again back to Iraq. He left Iraq together with other members of the group. In Albania left the group and went to Norway where he goes to university under the supervision of the MEK commanders. MEK Fathers And Sons
MEK Fathers And Sons
The Fate Of Fathers And Sons In The MEK Cult
The Mujahedin-e Khalq keeps about two thousands members inside its cult-like structure in Camp Ashraf 3 in Albania despite the departure of a large number of its members during the two past decades. Each and every of the remaining male and female members of the MEK has a story of their family life. Most of the old members were married and had children when they joined the group. Though, they left family behind when Massoud Rajavi ordered them to divorce their spouses and to send their children out of the group. So there are a lot of heartbreaking stories of families whose destiny was involved in the ambitions of the leaders of the MEK. The stories of certain fathers and daughters have been already published on Nejat Society website. It is time to review the painful stories of some fathers and sons in the MEK.
The most iconic and prominent father and son in the MEK are Massoud Rajavi and his son Mohammad. Mohammad was an infant in the safe house where his mother Ashraf was killed in an armed clash between the MEK agents and the Iranian forces in Tehran. He was then taken to Iraq and then to Europe where he grew up and again back to Iraq. He left Iraq together with other members of the group. In Albania left the group and went to Norway where he goes to university under the supervision of the MEK commanders.
According to the testimonies of former member, Mohammad was a critic of his father’s approach in the group. Some former members even revealed that he had tried to escape the group several times but he did not succeed as far as the group was located in Iraq. As soon as the group was settled in Albania, Mohammad moved to the free world although he is not free from the group’s control.
Nonetheless, not everyone was as lucky as mohammad Rajavi. Majid Hanifsnejad is another example of the sons of the MEK’s high ranking members. Ahmad, Majid’s father is the brother of Mohammad Hanifnejad one of the early founders of the group. Former members confirm that Ahmad is one of the cruelest interrogators of the MEK. He has tortured a lot of his comrades inside the group just because they asked to leave the group. Majid was studying in a college in Europe when his father ordered him to get back to Iraq. He is brought to the group’s propaganda media from time to time to show that he is still dedicated to the cause of the group that his uncle founded.
The experience of Yasser Ezzati tells a lot more about the painful stories of fathers and sons in the MEK. Yasser Ezati was ten-years-old when he was taken away from his parents – together with hundreds of other Mujahedin children. Some went to live with members in the West, and some in children’s homes very similar to an orphanage. Yasser went to both: he spent three years with three different families in Canada, and afterwards stayed in three different children’s homes in Germany. As a child Yasser Ezati often stood in the shopping center of Cologne with the pictures of victims in Iran, collecting money for the MEK. Many members in Europe worked like this, until the governments discovered that the funds did not go to aid organizations, but to buy weapons. [source: Misled Martyrs, Judith Neurink] The former members of the group state that his father, Hassan, is known to be a torturer in the MEK. ”He even beat me several times after I declared defection,” he said.
“Whenever I missed my parents my father would receive me by beating and kicking me.”
“I have not forgotten my past yet because an important part of my life, my childhood, my adolescence were lost for the misguided goal of the MKO”, he told Nejat Society. Finally, Yasser Ezzati could manage to escape the MEK a decade ago.
Like many other children of MEK members, Amir Vafa Yaghmaei was a citizen of Sweden. He was able to leave Ashraf after 2 years with help of Swedish government.
His father, Esmaeil Vafa Yaghmaei was so loyal to Mr. Rajavi at NCRI that he ignored several requests by his own son, who was 16 when sent to Iraq, and refused to help him. Amir was abused inside Ashraf and also in US Camp, TIPF, for almost 2 years. However, both Esmaeil and Amir defected the MEK. Unlike the three other cases, Amir was under the coercive indoctrinations of her mother in Camp Ashraf. He cannot forgive his mom for what he underwent under the pressure of the MEK’s cult-like system.
MEK Fathers And Sons
Anne Khodabandeh ICSA Conference : Mapping the Cult Landscape
Anne Khodabandeh (Singleton), Open Minds, July 17 2019:… The question is, can we bring cult leaders to court for cultic abuse? The argument that the behaviours exhibited by cults cannot be brought into a legislative framework is patently false when we consider that similar ‘psychological’ behaviours have been written into law. Examples are the Coercive Control Act of 2015, the Modern Slavery Act of 2015, prosecutions for child sexual exploitation involving grooming. And of course, the civil law of undue influence which protects categories of vulnerable people from coercive persuasion. Anne Khodabandeh ICSA Conference : Mapping the Cult Landscape .
Anne Khodabandeh ICSA Conference : Mapping the Cult Landscape
MEK Fathers And Sons
1- Abstract for ICSA Conference 2019 in Manchester
International Cultic Studies Association
2019 Annual Conference
Mapping the Cult Landscape with a New Lexicon – Why Words Matter: An Activist/Campaigner’s Perspective
In the UK, laws criminalising Coercive Control and Modern Slavery have recently come onto the statute book. With many years of academic research, survivor testimony and therapeutic innovation behind us, why does the world of cultic studies still lack any laws to deal specifically with this phenomenon? From this activist’s perspective, it’s down to how we talk to the wider world. In Conference we are all specialists. We use our own language, or jargon, and we understand one another. We also co-opt language from other fields when it overlaps with ours – for example, coercive control, gaslighting, grooming etc to make sense of what we mean. This provides a helpful lexicon of new words and expressions to convey our meaning. This is especially important in activism and campaigning which involves talking directly to people and bodies who do not share our understanding in order to influence and persuade them. Yet at a time when mainstream media is beginning to embrace a modern understanding of words like cult and brainwashing (in terrorism for example), some in the cultic studies field remain coy of such descriptors. In this presentation I will argue for my preferred descriptor ‘cultic abuse’ and explain why I use this phrase as a meaningful definition to consolidate the knowledge and experience we have built up over the years that can be taken to policy makers, the media, human rights forums and other outside bodies in order to press for recognition, attitudinal change and, above all, a new law.
Link to the presentation speech
Find the full agenda, abstracts and bios for the 2019 International Cultic Studies Association International Conference HERE
2- Mapping the Cult Landscape with a New Lexicon
Why Words Matter: An Activist/Campaigner’s Perspective
ICSA Conference 2019, Manchester, UK
Presentation by Anne Khodabandeh
Over the past forty years many things have changed in the field of cults. For an activist and campaigner, it is important to periodically create a new map to explain the changed cult landscape and to think how we can navigate it with some new vocabulary. I have developed a working definition of cultic abuse along with some of the words and phrases I use to explain it as a starting point for moving this forward. Mapping the Cult Landscape with a New Lexicon
While I do not have academic expertise or research interest in cults, I have two qualifications for my campaign work. I graduated in English Language, Literature and Creative Writing. Also, I spent twenty years involved with the Iranian Mojahedin Khalq terrorist cult (MEK).
Since leaving this notoriously dangerous FTO, I have spent two decades trying to persuade people in power and in the media to recognise the MEK as a cult and to reject the group on the basis of its human rights abuses and criminal activities. Central to my work is the ability to build bridges between the experts’ knowledge and public understanding. (By public I mean anyone and everyone who is not in this field.) This needs careful communication. How can complex ideas be expressed in engaging and understandable ways without dumbing down.
The starting point has to be ‘what do the public already know or understand about cults’? As we know, many people use the word cult as a label, but very few actually understand what it means.
Public use of the cult label focuses on external characteristics – what the cult looks like from the outside. This is generally a reflection of the stated beliefs of the group. But, as we know, this is very different from the dynamic governing internal relations. As victims we want people to understand how the abuses that take place behind this façade of alternative beliefs are inflicted on us.
Certainly, we can be confident that there is already wide public recognition that cults are secretive and mysterious groups that use brainwashing or mind control and are generally perceived to be a bad thing to be avoided. This sense of cults being dangerous and harmful is amplified by prosecutions of cult leaders.
The most recent example is the Nxivm (pronounced Nexium) sex cult. Keith Raniere was charged with seven offences including racketeering, forced labour, fraud and various sex offences. Similarly, in 2016 Aravindan Balakrishnan was found guilty of rape, child cruelty, false imprisonment, indecent assault and assault in his Maoist cult.
Significantly, the label given to the cult in media coverage was irrelevant to the criminal prosecution. So, although the media was happy to use the cult label when describing how both the groups were run, focusing on the sensational elements of slavery and sexual exploitation, just labelling them as cults doesn’t explain the specific ways these groups are criminally different from other cases involving these same crimes.
Additionally, when we look at the Wikipedia page ‘List of religious leaders convicted of crimes’, we see straight away that none of them were convicted for cult activity. Which is odd because I think anyone who has been the victim of a cult will be able to identify specifically cult related experiences which would be considered harmful in and of themselves. Just the experience of brainwashing is hugely damaging on many levels. Like coercive control in domestic violence, we don’t need to have been physically assaulted to have suffered abuse.
ICSA helpfully advises focusing on harmful practices when making judgements about any group membership.
By moving away from the need to explain why any particular group can be described as a cult, we can begin to piece together wording that would make cultic activity a crime. When looked at from the victim’s point of view it is obvious that the outcome of being in a cult is harm and that the harmful activities were specific to cultic behaviour not the organisation or structure of the group or even its stated belief system. Cult victims clearly suffered abuse so when explaining to people what happens to them, I use the term cultic abuse.
The question is, can we bring cult leaders to court for cultic abuse? The argument that the behaviours exhibited by cults cannot be brought into a legislative framework is patently false when we consider that similar ‘psychological’ behaviours have been written into law. Examples are the Coercive Control Act of 2015, the Modern Slavery Act of 2015, prosecutions for child sexual exploitation involving grooming. And of course, the civil law of undue influence which protects categories of vulnerable people from coercive persuasion.
So why does government continue to ignore this issue? The simple answer is that we need to draw a line somewhere that separates cultic abuse from other forms of psychological persuasion. We need to ringfence exactly what abuse is taking place. Assuming that we can piggyback cultic abuse onto any of these laws misunderstands the government position. For example, removing wording ‘in an intimate or family relationship’ in the Coercive Control Act to extend it to cultic groups would also lay those who can be argued to have a devotional following open to malicious allegations. In this scenario, team leaders like Pep Guardiola and Michel Roux Jr. might have a lot to answer for!
Similarly, although cultic abuse shares a lot of characteristics with modern slavery, most active cult members do not regard themselves as victims and will implacably resist attempts to rescue and rehabilitate them. And unfortunately, the law of undue influence does not allow for criminal prosecution.
In essence, we need to convince government that we are referring only to a narrowly drawn, specific set of behaviours the result of which is abuse. Any definition must separate it from advertising, hard sales, political persuasion and all the other means that government uses to exert control over the social, economic and moral fabric of the country.
To satisfy this remit I began to develop a quasi-legal description of the specific ways that cults operate which encompasses deceptive recruitment, psychological manipulation, enthrallment and ultimately exploitation. One element kept coming up as the differentiating factor for all other kinds of psychological abuse – ideology or beliefs.
The distinguishing factor around cults that differentiate them from other forms of harm is this reliance on adherence to a belief system. I would even suggest that without the involvement of a supremacist ideology it is not cultic abuse. Supremacist in this case means not just ‘us and them’ as in ‘our tribe and the outsiders’, but ‘us and them’ as in ‘we are superior to all others’.
There are some who may say, what does it matter if there is no specific law against cultic abuse. As long as the cult leaders are brought to justice, what difference does it make how and under what charges. But let’s reframe the argument in a different context, a different landscape. One which some might regard as more urgent.
In the UK, when it was introduced, it soon became apparent to the affected authorities that work to fulfil the Prevent Duty obligations fell within the remit of Safeguarding – for both adults and children.
The greatest emphasis was placed on the education sector and schools in particular. The thinking behind this was perhaps based on how the Prevent Duty was rolled out. Certainly this allowed maximum contact with a captive audience. In any case, those tasked to prevent radicalisation were encouraged to believe that they were protecting vulnerable people and who more vulnerable than children? In the beginning, some training was nothing more than crude tick box ‘how to spot the terrorist’ profiling.
The only hint as to what radicalisation actually is came in a simple, easily overlooked phrase in the twenty-page document. “Radicalisation is a process that takes place in a relationship.” This was picked up on by many in the field of cult awareness, particularly those who had been involved in political cults.
As a former member of a terrorist cult it was self-evident to me that the process of deceptive recruitment and psychological manipulation which I underwent, and which is used by other cultic groups, is what the government meant by Radicalisation.
I developed a model for describing the process of radicalisation from a cultic perspective and took it into training sessions and conferences with a grand title: “From Attraction to Action – Understanding Radicalisation as Cultic Abuse to support Prevent and Channel”.
It turned out that what was self-evident to cult specialists, was not easliy comprehensible to others. Although some of the audience appeared to understand, the explanation of how victims are abused by radicalisation was mostly greeted by blank, uncomprehending faces and sometimes actual fear. Nothing had prepared those responsible for preventing radicalisation for an actual terrorist to explain how to recruit and create a terrorist
Among those Safeguarding experts who did ‘get it’ is consultant Abigail Clay who works with the Radicalisation Awareness Network in the EU. In an academic paper with Dr Al Baker titled ‘What is harmful about radicalisation?’ she identifies the problem. Government guidance lacks an explanation of what is to be avoided. In the context of Safeguarding, here is what she says:
“To say that radicalisation is systematically harmful to children is to say that radicalisation is a form of abuse. Abuse is defined in existing guidance as “a form of maltreatment of a child…by inflicting harm, or by failing to act to prevent harm.” Radicalisation is not currently written of in UK safeguarding guidance as a form of abuse, but merely as a thing to be avoided; a choice clearly related to the avoidance of spelling out specific harms that radicalisation entails (once we say that radicalisation is harmful, given our definition of abuse, we must say that it is abusive).”
In the context of both Prevent and criminal prosecutions, the phrase ‘a process that takes place in a relationship’ can be explained by using a definition of cultic abuse as the map for the new landscape that we are in. I have a definition which is a starting point for development by anyone interested in this issue. Some will agree, some will not agree. I treat it as a work in progress.
My central argument is that if we use this definition or something like it to frame the processes involved in cultic harm as a map of the new landscape, then the paths and landmarks that we use to set our compasses and navigate it are the words we use. We can push for legislation based on this map and we can use it for prevention education.
In my work to explain to the public the complexities of cultic abuse, I use words and phrases that I have eclectically borrowed from experts and explainers. As a campaigner who uses words to explain and persuade, how these words are used are as important as their meanings. In my presentation I have used a narrative structure to explain the process of cultic abuse – with beginning, middle and end, characters and plot, motives and outcomes?
From my perspective, we need words that encapsulate and express the specific complexity of the cultic world but that don’t rely on expert knowledge. Words that engage the audience. For example, can we find a better way to talk about ‘cognitive dissonance’ for public consumption? Certainly we can borrow from other fields, like coercive control, grooming and modern slavery. As an example, ‘gaslighting’ is now a widely understood concept – critics spotted it being used in the TV series Love Island. Can we explain the particular aspect of cultic abuse we know as cognitive dissonance using this term? By building up a new lexicon specific to our experiences, the changed cultic landscape can be redrawn.
Anne Khodabandeh ICSA Conference : Mapping the Cult Landscape
Mojahedine-E Khalq (MEK) threat in #Albania: Anne Khodabandeh – Open Minds
Anne Khodabandeh, Open Minds, De-Radicalisation Consultant, PHOTO-EXHIBITION in Bruxelles
(International Terrorism Mojahedin Khalq, MEK, NCRI, Rajavi cult)
Posted on: 2019/04/24
Anne Khodabandeh (Singleton), Iran Interlink, April 24 2019:… Exactly fifteen years ago we wrote about how making a deal with the MEK was a big mistake by the USA. At that time, the MEK led by Massoud Rajavi was closer to Saddam Hussein than the US. Today the MEK led by Maryam Rajavi is closer the Saudis than the US. Either way, the MEK leadership has proven over and over that they will always put their own interests above that of anything. To make this mistake once is shameful. For Mike Pompeo to repeat the mistake now is simply wrong. Anne Khodabandeh ICSA Conference : Mapping the Cult Landscape MEK Fathers And Sons
Posted on: 2019/02/27
Anne Khodabandeh, Iran Interlink, February 27 2019:… It is a mistake to approach the MEK as a normal opposition. Indeed, quoting MEK members is like giving a platform to Flat Earthers or Creationists. It is not balanced reporting. The MEK is a unique entity. Not an opposition, not a ‘group’ or ‘organization’, descriptions which imply a certain kind of accountable system and order. Anne Khodabandeh ICSA Conference : Mapping the Cult Landscape MEK Fathers And Sons
Posted on: 2019/02/10
Anne Khodabandeh (Singleton), February 10 2019:… Her desperate efforts to stay visible – parading on stage in glamorous outfits before paid speakers and audience – expose her ego rather than her leadership. As de facto leader of the MEK, Rajavi has successfully carved out a niche for the mercenary MEK in the anti-Iran front – acting out the silent wishes of America, Israel and Saudi Arabia, who might proclaim an interest in regime change against Iran, but who cannot necessarily do the dirty deeds. By continually insisting on her propaganda events she is overstepping her mandate: the MEK’s role is to get paid, do the work, then disappear. Anne Khodabandeh ICSA Conference : Mapping the Cult Landscape MEK Fathers And Sons
Posted on: 2019/01/28
Anne Khodabadeh (Singleton): At this point you may expect this blogger to tut and warn against such bribery and deception. But no. If Albania’s political class and its media are happy to take money and favours from Rajavi, why not her citizens. Why should Pandeli Majko and Elona Gjebrea and a lot of others take advantage of the MEK’s generosity, and not the poor citizens of the country. Anne Khodabandeh ICSA Conference : Mapping the Cult Landscape MEK Fathers And Sons
Posted on: 2019/01/18
Anne Khodabandeh (Blog), January 18 2019:… Since 2017, Bolton had used the MEK to create the groundwork for his plan. The MEK have tried to whitewash their past. Partly by propaganda but also partly be eliminating troublesome members or ex members such as Mohammad-Reza Kolahi Samadi and Malek Sharai.So far as possible, MEK have performed or […] Anne Khodabandeh ICSA Conference : Mapping the Cult Landscape MEK Fathers And Sons
The MEK paid around 800,000 Euros to an extreme right-wing political party in Spain. How does this fit with Maryam Rajavi’s claims of democracy and feminism? It should be understood that MEK would never pay a penny of its own money for anything except its own benefit. The group is amply paid for and supported […] Anne Khodabandeh ICSA Conference : Mapping the Cult Landscape MEK Fathers And Sons
Labour MP Steve McCabe joined other MPs in the House of Commons to debate the situation of Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe who is in prison in Iran. The debate centered on Zaghari-Ratcliffe’s human rights which appear to have been violated by the Iranian judiciary. Of course, many fine words were spoken and the proper sympathy expressed over […] Anne Khodabandeh ICSA Conference : Mapping the Cult Landscape MEK Fathers And Sons