Strait Talk, TRT World, October 10 2018:… The Trump administration withdrew from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal in May – and last month, levelled threats against Tehran at the UN General Assembly. But caught between all this is a group based in Albania with a mission to overthrow the Iranian government. The MEK, previously in Iraq, now operates out of a military compound near the capital Tirana …
The MEK: a group looking to overthrow the Iranian regime
US-Iran relations haven’t been this tense in years. The Trump administration withdrew from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal in May – and last month, levelled threats against Tehran at the UN General Assembly. But caught between all this is a group based in Albania with a mission to overthrow the Iranian government. The MEK, previously in Iraq, now operates out of a military compound near the capital Tirana. Our Courtney Kealy went there to get a glimpse.
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The ‘political cult’ opposing the Iranian regime which has created a state within a state in Albania
Borzou Dargahi, THE INDEPENDENT, September 28 2018:… An Iranian exile group that is a darling of Washington conservatives has set up what critics describe as “a state within a state” inside the tiny Balkan nation of Albania. From a well-guarded 84-acre (340,000 square metres, or 34 hectares) property it has forged on a hillside in the Albanian countryside, the group – called the People’s Mujahedin Organisation …
The ‘political cult’ opposing the Iranian regime which has created a state within a state in Albania
In Tirana, Borzou Daragahi meets defectors of the People’s Mujahedin Organisation of Iran, a controversial group which has found itself the darling of Washington
From a well-guarded 84-acre (340,000 square metres, or 34 hectares) property it has forged on a hillside in the Albanian countryside, the group – called the People’s Mujahedin Organisation of Iran, commonly known by the acronym MEK, has begun handing out mysterious wads of cash, set up its own radio communications network, and launched deceptive information operations to influence debate about the Islamic Republic – its avowed enemy – say defectors of the group, relatives of members, and Albanian journalists, lawyers and a former intelligence official.
In addition, it has been accused of locking up members inside the camp against their will, an allegation that has long dogged the organisation, which is led by Iranian exile couple Maryam and Massoud Rajavi, and described by former members and Iran experts as a political cult.
“We are supposed to be living in a free and democratic country. But they have built a state within a state that implements its own laws,” says Olsi Yazici, an Albanian writer who is part of the legal team attempting to find out more about the group.
“They are behaving in Albania like a mafia – breaking laws, blackmailing, paying people off, beating people, threatening defectors, accusing anyone who questions them of being an Iranian agent and controlling their members in the camp through Stalinist totalitarian methods. And at the end, they claim to be democrats who will save Iran.”
The Independent reached out to several MEK spokespersons and representatives, seeking comment for the story.
As this report was being prepared, the organisation released a five and a half minute video clip that showed drone footage of what it called its “residential compound”, which appears made up of dozens of buildings, and a main entrance flanked by a pair of golden lions, a symbol of the MEK.
The video showed Albanians on construction jobs in the camp, as well as members sipping tea with Albanian neighbours, or making music in a studio, including a cover of Frank Sinatra’s “My Way”.
We are supposed to be living in a free and democratic country. But they have built a state within a state that implements its own laws
Olsi Yazici, Albanian writer
“Terrorist, terrorist,” the men screamed at the elderly couple, their arms locked, as they sought to walk away. Canadian-Iranians Mostafa and Mahboubeh Mohammadi say they have struggled to get their daughter, Somayeh, out of the MEK for 21 years.
They haven’t spoken to her since 2004, when they travelled to central Iraq to make a desperate attempt to get her and her younger brother out of the camp the group then occupied. Once they had been sympathisers and had even raised money for the group.
“We would spread out on the streets and show pictures of Iranians the regime had killed, and say their kids are stuck in refugee camps,” recalls Mostafa Mohammadi.
But eventually the Mohammadis turned against the group, which they claimed tricked their daughter into travelling to Iraq, seized her passport, and pressed her into the organisation. Through tremendous effort involving US and Canadian diplomats, they say they managed to extract their son, who is now living in Canada, but not their daughter.
The MEK says Somayeh is in the organisation of her own free will, and has issued videos of her disowning her parents.
At least one other former member of the group in Tirana says he was able to leave the organisation once he told them he wished to part ways.
“I choose to pursue my own life,” he says, asking that his name not be published. “There was no pressure to stay.”
A lengthy statement by the group on the website of its front group, the National Council of Resistance of Iran, said that that Mostafa Mohammadi had been in Tehran in 2008 – an allegation he denies – and called Mohammadi’s lawyer an “agent” of the Iranian intelligence services.
The five and a half minute video shows footage of Somayeh Mohammadi with a caption reading that she insists the “Iranian regime deployed her father to accuse MEK (of having) kidnapped her”.
When the Mohammadis first came to Albania to find Somayeh, they were given the runaround by authorities in Tirana, who insisted she was not in the country.
But they managed to get confirmation from a sympathetic local refugee resettlement group that she had arrived in Tirana in 2015. Just days before the confrontation with the MEK members, the Mohammadis managed to prompt a police officer to enter the camp and confirm that she was there, possibly the first time an Albanian official wielding a warrant entered the compound.
“This was a big shock for the MEK,” says Yazici, the writer. “This diminished the role of the commanders in the eyes of the members.”
The Mohammadis had heard that she made her way one day a week to a Tirana hospital, serving as a translator for MEK members seeking medical care. They waited nearby to catch a glimpse of her on 27 July. After a few hours they became discouraged, and began heading back to their hotel.
That’s when a group of four men – who later transpired to be MEK enforcers – surrounded the elderly couple and began screaming “terrorist” at them.
Police soon arrived to break up the melee. Startling the officers, the MEK enforcers continued to strike Mohammadi in front of them, screaming that the frail couple were “terrorists”.
The police rounded up the Mohammadis as well as the MEK enforcers and took everyone to a Tirana police station. MEK leaders summoned their lawyer, Margarita Kola, as well as some leaders of the group. Kola, who once worked as a counsel for the US Embassy in Tirana, claimed she was acting on behalf of the Americans.
“She said, ‘You know who I am or not?’” recalls Migena Banna, the lawyer representing the Mohammadis, who was also at the police station. “She said, ‘I am not just a lawyer, I’m a legal representative of the US embassy.’ Then the police changed their behaviour.”
Kola told The Independent that she did not work for the US embassy but declined to answer whether she had originally made the claim.
Under pressure, police let the MEK members go, but held on to the Mohammadis for eight hours. The Tirana prosecutors’ office told The Independent the case remains under investigation.
Mostafa Mohammadi went to a hospital for treatment for his bruises. By then, the video of the pack of MEK enforcers assaulting the couple had gone viral on Albanian social media. Local television stations arrived to meet the couple, and stories about the search for their daughter began to air. Albanians were outraged.
“We have so many other refugees, Syrians, Iraqis. They can do everything. They go shopping. They are out on the streets,” says Yazici. “Where are these MEK people? Why can’t we see them?”
Much of the world was worried when Donald Trump was elected US president in November 2016. The leaders of the MEK celebrated.
“It was like a wedding,” recalls Hassan Heyrani, a former member of the group’s political committee who defected this year. “It was the whole election of Trump that prompted the group to move forward with the new camp. They were so happy. They said, ‘The geopolitical engine of the region is turning.’”
The story of the 50-year-old group is bound up in the wars, uprisings, and political twists of the Middle East. It was founded by leftist students decades ago to fight against the regime of Iran’s Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, carrying out assassinations of US officials in Iran who were backing him.
It later turned against the clerics who took over in Tehran during the 1979 revolution, staging bomb attacks during the 1980s, when it was granted a camp northeast of Baghdad and joined along Saddam Hussein in the Iran-Iraq war.
That move destroyed its popularity among the vast majority of Iranians. But with dozens of tanks and thousands of fighters positioned at a sprawling and inhospitable desert compound called Camp Ashraf, in a province adjacent to the Iranian border, it remained a threat to the Islamic Republic.
Its fortunes changed after the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq and toppling of Saddam Hussein. US forces at first bombed the group as an appendage of the Baghdad regime, pulverising many of its tanks. But Washington conservatives later began to cultivate MEK as a potential way of pressuring Tehran.
The group eventually ran afoul of Iranian-backed politicians of the new Iraqi political elite. Members were pressured to leave Camp Ashraf, which was taken over by the Iranian-backed Badr Brigade militia, and relocate to Camp Liberty, on the same compound as US forces and the Baghdad International Airport.
Under pressure by Baghdad authorities to remove the group, the US managed to convince the government of Albania to take in a couple hundred members of the group as refugees in 2013, in what was described as a humanitarian gesture.
But as they came under attack by Iranian-backed Shia militias, as well as pressure by Isis militants, the plan to move a few hundred to Albania somehow turned into bringing the entire organisation from Iraq to southeastern Europe.
Once they had fully moved to Albania, the group first took up residence in a series of empty apartment buildings scattered around the city, and continued its fade into obscurity and irrelevance.
Leaders tried in vain to keep long-isolated members – curious about the modern world, and barred from sex and dating –from drifting away. They tried to erect barriers around one apartment building, but they were promptly torn down by angry local authorities.
With Mr Trump’s election, everything changed. The MEK had spent years cultivating Washington figures such as John Bolton and Rudy Giuliani, who were forces in the new administration in Washington.
In addition, an ambitious and stridently anti-Iran Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman took the reins in Saudi Arabia, and began looking for allies in his aim to roll back and possibly topple the clerical government in Tehran.
Beginning in July 2017, just as Trump began re-imposing sanctions on Iran that Obama had lifted as part of the nuclear deal, the MEK suddenly began buying plots of land in Albania, in a rural stretch of farmland near the town of Manza, between the Albanian capital and the Adriatic Sea.
The Trump administration continues to maintain strong ties with the MEK. At the weekend, the president’s lawyer addressed a gathering of the group at a midtown Manhattan hotel, describing the MEK as an antidote to the brutality and repression of the “outlaws and murderers” in power in Tehran. “Iran is entitled to freedom and democracy,” he said.
Albanian investigative journalist Gjergi Thanasi said the group paid $13m (£9.9m) to buy the first 200,000 square metres of the compound, has since bought another 140,000 square metres, and continues buying up property and racking up significant water, electricity, and internet bills.
They pay for everything with huge wads of cash, sometimes piles of local currency that they purchase through street vendors rather than banks or exchange shops, but also with “crisp hundred-dollar bills”, says Thanasi, leaving no bank trail.
“They pay bills on time,” he says. “They pay in cash. They buy small things in shops or even in malls. They always pay in cash. They do not use bank cards. They love not leaving a footprint.”
Thanasi found the group purchased 1,700 Lenovo brand computers and monitors from an Albanian firm. At first he thought it was some scam to evade import duties and resell the computers at a profit. But the MEK paid full price for the devices. They wanted the computers for the camp, and paid for them in cash. “What the hell do you need so many computers for?” he quips.
The group has a number of big-ticket expenses. It has set up a dedicated high-speed internet. It also managed to obtain official permission to set up its own antenna atop Mount Dajti, on the peaks overlooking Tirana, giving it effectively its own communications network.
A private Albanian security firm, called Argon, guard the camp and its entrances, deploying perhaps nine personnel armed with assault rifles and handguns in six-hour shifts around the clock.
It remains unclear why Albania, a small Balkan country struggling to overcome its reputation for corruption and money laundering in order to become a member of the EU, would allow such a shadowy group to operate with so little scrutiny.
“If I want to buy a car for 2,000 or 3,000 euros I have to use a bank in order to pay for the car,” says Thanasi. “I have to circulate the money through the bank and justify that this quantity comes out of my personal savings.”
The organisation appears to have strong connections to senior Albanian officials. Pandeli Majko, a minister in the current Albanian government of Prime Minister Edi Rama, Fatmir Mediu, a former defence minister, and Elona Gjebrea, a former deputy interior minister, were with Giuliani when he visited Tirana earlier this year for Persian New Year festivities hosted by the MEK.
Heyrani, the 38-year-old former member of the MEK’s political section, says he suspected the group’s sudden riches were coming from Saudi Arabia’s coffers, through a channel organised by Saudi prince Turki al-Faisal, who over the summer, attended an MEK rally in France, along with Giuliani, Trump’s lawyer, and Bolton, the White House National Security Adviser.
Heyrani says he had no evidence of Saudi support for the group other than conversations with members of its political leadership. “I said, ‘What a big camp, with so many buildings,’” Heyrani recalls. “He said, ‘Finally, Faisal laid the golden egg.’”
A spokesperson for the the Saudi embassy in Washington did not respond to a request for comment. Ali Shihabi, founder of the Riyadh-backed Arabia Foundation think tank, said that Prince Turki has denied serving as a conduit for MEK funds.
Hassan Shahbaz, 50 years old, had joined the MEK shortly after the US invasion of Iraq. But it wasn’t until he got to Tirana that he discovered that his elderly mother, two brothers, and two sisters had risked their lives to travel to Iraq in the midst of that country’s 2006 civil war to visit him. When they arrived they were turned away from the camp entrance. “They told them I wasn’t there, and turned them back,” he says today.
When he confronted MEK superiors about their action, they told him to let it go. “For now, freeze it,” he was told.
A few weeks later, during an outing with other MEK members in April, he quietly slipped away from the group, took a taxi back to Tirana and became one of the growing members of the group to defect.
“Back then when they kept us locked up, they could say it’s for our own protection, that the government of Iraq is in the pocket of Iran,” he says. “What’s the argument here?”
Sheltered inside the camp, which members nickname Ashraf 3, the organisation has recreated what critics call its cult-like structure. Members are told to spy on each other, recount their dreams, and take part in hours-long indoctrination sessions.
Defiant members are punished with days-long isolation, barred from contact with their comrades. After outings to hospitals or shops they are patted down, for fear they have tried to smuggle phones into the camp.
The camp is divided into several sections, with the northernmost end reserved exclusively for France-based Rajavi on her rare visits, and an underclass of mostly male labourers separated from the rest of the elite by fences and checkpoints at the far south of the camp.
Heyrani calls the camp a version of Animal Farm, after the book written by George Orwell about an isolated and authoritarian society. In a statement, the group said MEK members “have been been targets of the Iranian regime’s terrorism,” and needed protection. The statement said the MEK members at the camp “have always welcomed friends, dignitaries and journalists from Albania and other countries, both in their current and previous residences. But they are vigilant and experienced enough not to welcome the Iranian regime’s agents.”
Unable to draw new recruits, the organisation is aging and greying, and many of the members might choose to remain in the camp for fear of the outside world.
“They are very lost people,” says retired Colonel Ylli Zyla, a former Albanian counter-terror and intelligence official. “On average they are more than 50 years old. They are slowly, slowly dying off one by one. They don’t have any useful professional backgrounds. All of them are brainwashed.”
Most days, the cadres seem to be deployed on the social media battleground, in an attempt to give an illusion of the popularity the group lacks on the ground.
They spend long hours engaged in Twitter wars against supporters of the Tehran government or even Islamic Republic opponents who also publicly oppose the MEK. “We are told to attack accounts of people who are opposed to or critical of the MEK,” says Heyrani. “Or we would retweet Maryam Rajavi’s speeches.”
They were also told to pretend to take political identities other than MEK supporters. “They would tell us right now the environment is not good for us,” he recalls, in an allegation that was confirmed by other defectors. “They would say that because of the propaganda against us by the regime, it’s better to pretend we’re monarchists, or just Iranian democracy activists.”
Shahin Gobadi, a spokesman for the MEK, on Twitter denounced allegations that the group was running a troll factory in Albania as “preposterous”, calling it a narrative “dictated” by Iranian intelligence officers to international media. The video for the group shows a room full of computers, with members collecting video of protests inside Iran.
Zyla has become something of an expert on the group. Though he says it poses no threat to Albanian national security, he says it has begun to challenge the country’s public order. Its members have been known to harass defectors, who mill about in Tirana’s cafes, and attend weekly vocational training sessions organised by the UN. One defector said he’s been threatened six times since he left the group.
“Even the police are not allowed to go inside,” Zyla tells The Independent. “The Ministry of Interior almost has no control over the camp. Police patrols, to my knowledge, are not allowed in the MEK complex. Their camp has turned into a mysterious bunker.”
“Faking the online debate on Iran”(Mojahedin Khalq, Maryam Rajavi, MEK, NCRI Trolling base in Albania exposed)
Aljazeera, September 16 2018:… For all the accusations of disinformation and fake news from both sides, it is rare that we can point to facts, a location, and actual personnel explaining the modus operandi of an organised troll factory. The Listening Post’s Will Yong investigated this story and the trail has led him, surprisingly, to Tirana. the Twitter accounts doing the trolling may not be the organic opposition …
15 Sep 2018 08:09 GMT
“Faking the online debate on Iran”(Mojahedin Khalq, Maryam Rajavi, MEK, NCRI Trolling base in Albania exposed)
For a country that has been on the wrong end of United States foreign policy for nearly four decades, it is no surprise the debate over Iran has been polarising. The US’s decision to withdrawal from the nuclear deal this year has boosted those calling for the hardest stance against the Islamic Republic.
Those pushing back against what many say is an agenda for regime change in Iran are reporting an online backlash the likes of which they have not seen before. However, the Twitter accounts doing the trolling may not be the organic opposition voices they are made out to be.
For all the accusations of disinformation and fake news from both sides, it is rare that we can point to facts, a location, and actual personnel explaining the modus operandi of an organised troll factory.
The Listening Post’s Will Yong investigated this story and the trail has led him, surprisingly, to Tirana, Albania.
Trita Parsi – Author, Losing an Enemy – Obama, Iran and the Triumph of Diplomacy
Azadeh Moaveni – Fellow, New America
Marc Owen Jones – Lecturer in Middle East history, Exeter University
Hassan Heyrani – Former MEK member
Hassan Shahbaz – Former MEK member
Albanian Police Report says Mojahedin Khalq (MEK, MKO, Rajavi cult) Kill Their Own Members
Iran Interlink, September 13 2018:… The report acknowledges MEK’s history of killing its own members in Iraq and says police believe this will also happen in Albania. In June 2018, Albanian media reported a possible MEK assassination after one of the camp residents was reported drowned in an irrigation channel. The alarm was raised by some MEK members who gave conflicting accounts …
Albanian Police Report says Mojahedin Khalq (MEK, MKO, Rajavi cult) Kill Their Own Members
Following a Channel Four News report on the MEK in Albania, presented by international editor Lindsey Hilsum, there has been widespread interest in this issue in the Albanian media. In particular journalists have focused on a secret report by Albania’s National Police, which was obtained by Channel Four News. The report states that MEK in Albania poses a lethal threat to their own members if they try leave or try to leave.
The report acknowledges MEK’s history of killing its own members in Iraq and says police believe this will also happen in Albania.
In June 2018, Albanian media reported a possible MEK assassination after one of the camp residents was reported drowned in an irrigation channel. The alarm was raised by some MEK members who gave conflicting accounts of Malek Shara’i’s drowning. This indicated that they knew from the start he was dead, even though after extensive searches by expert police and navy divers, no body was found for over two weeks.
Eventually, after the scandal of his disappearance became headline news in Albania, a body was suddenly discovered. Shara’i’s family in Iran made a plea to the authorities to discover how he had died. However, MEK convinced the Coroner that a post mortem investigation would be against Iranian sacred burial traditions! MEK then took away the body. There is now a grave bearing his name in the cemetery in Tirana alongside other MEK who have died in that country. The case was closed.
Shara’i’s next of kin are his immediate family who quickly got in touch with the Albanian authorities. They informed investigators that Shara’i had been a strong swimmer and a lifeguard back in Iran. However, they were not consulted at any stage in the investigation or asked for permission for an autopsy, nor told a cause of death or asked about burial preferences.
Putting aside the possible reason that Shara’i died – former members said he had long wanted to leave but knew sensitive information which MEK wanted to keep secret – the failure of the Coroner to challenge MEK’s ridiculous assertion that a post mortem examination is against ‘their’ culture, leaves an opening now for MEK to kill and bury unwanted members with impunity. Apparently, no Albanian institution has the will or capability to resist MEK corruption.
Nevertheless, as the following reports demonstrate, Albanian citizens as well as their security forces, are seriously questioning the appropriateness of MEK’s presence in their small and vulnerable country.
Police secret report: Mojahedin pose a threat to security in Albania
7 September 2018
Mojahedin pose a danger to Albania’s security, according to the English Channel 4 public broadcaster. The television channel’s main correspondent, Lindsey Hilsum, has broadcast a report on the Mojahedin in Albania, including a secret police file of the State Police.
According to this document, signed by director general of the Albanian State Police, Ardi Veliu, Mojahedin constitute a security risk in Albania, as there are reasonable suspicions that members of the MEK group may kill members who leave or attempt to get out of the group.
Mojahedin “may have implications for internal security, as these individuals are deeply indoctrinated, have been part of military structures, have participated in fighting and acts of terror,” the secret document says.
The Mojahedin cult, otherwise known as MEK, became a terrorist group and was included in the 2012 U.S. list of terrorist organizations. Given the indoctrination of members and their activity in Iraq, State Police suspects that they may repeat their killings of members who leave the group.
“Former members of this organization have been murdered in Iraq after they have appeared publicly in opposition to the organization’s activities … following the indication of the actions and behaviors of the citizens in question who are currently separated from this organization, there are reasonable grounds for suspicion that this situation is the same as happened in Iraq, which was followed by murder”, reads the document signed by Ardi Veliu.
Currently the Mojahedin have been accommodated in a large camp at Manez in Durres, where they are under continuous scrutiny by the Albanian authorities to prevent any potential danger they may have for the security of the country.
SECRET POLICE REPORT / Mojahedin ALBANIA, capable of terrorist acts, must be kept under control (documentary CHANNEL 4 NEWS)
10 September 2018
Within Albania, a giant camp is being built for the Mojahedin. Information and some video footage were collected by journalist Lindsey Hilsum, an international editor and presenter of Channel 4 News, who has come to Albania and tried to visit the camp.
She wanted to go to the headquarters of MEK, Iran’s largest opposition group, which has been established for several years in Albania. And one of Iran’s opposition’s friends, is US President Donald Trump.
John Bolton, President Trump’s advisor, spoke to members of the Iranian opposition last year in Albania and how they should take power.
Journalist Lindesy Hilsum has gone to the camp and was not allowed by private guards to enter the camp to conduct interviews.
“I do not understand why the private guards won’t allow us. We are here in Albania”, she says in the documentary, while she says she was accused by the Mojahedin as a spy in the Iranian regime.
But behind the camp’s wire fence the journalist has seen numerous machines working, highlighting the fact that the camp is expanding, though no one will speak.
Even though she has presented her journalist’s identity card, the Albanian private guards have not allowed her to do her job. “Stop the footage”, the private security guard is heard on the camera and then puts his hand on the camera to prevent the footage.
In the Iran-Iraq war, MEK fought on the side of Saddam Hussein, the journalist says, against their country. The Iranian regime at that time executed hundreds of members of the opposition, MEK. They operated from military bases in Iraq and were then classified by the US as a terrorist organization.
When the Americans removed Saddam in 2003, MEK surrendered to US troops. But they were always under attack by pro-Iranian forces. And at that moment the US has revoked MEK’s terrorist status and then dispersed the Mojahedin in four US-backed countries, one of them being Albania.
“In Tirana, I met a couple of Canadian citizens who distributed leaflets to citizens while saying that MEK is not good for their country.
They said they came to Albania to see their daughter, Somayeh, claiming she was kidnapped by MEK 20 years ago and they found her in Albania.”
“I am not against Mojahedin. I have no interest in politics. I want to see my daughter, only for 10 minutes”, says the girl’s father to the Channel4News journalist.
Somayeh Mohammadi told another reporter that her father was an Iranian spy and she would not see him. “He came to Albania to spy on our camp. He has come to Albania to tell people that Mojahedin have abducted me. But this is not true” was the girl’s assertion.
The Mojahedin in the Albanian camp are afraid that former members of the group are spying on them and want to eliminate them.
The journalist also found a former Mojahedin member who shows that life in the MEK camp is not free. He has talked willingly about the division of men and women in the camp and that they should not have any opinion about sex. “During the day, every camp member had to write about sexual thoughts and every evening we should read them in front of others and commanders”, he says.
Plan of Albanian police measures
The journalist has come across the plan of the Albanian police to maintain the Iranian opposition in Albania. The document is titled, “Action Plan for Monitoring and Preventing and Preventing Possible Crime in the Perspective of Iranian Nationals Members of the MEK Organization Hosted in Albania”.
“Currently, in the territory of the Republic of Albania, 2745 Iranian citizens have been sheltered for several years. These citizens are part of the MEK organization, otherwise known as the Iranian opposition. The arrival of Iranian asylum seekers in our country can have implications for internal security, as these individuals are deeply indoctrinated, have been part of military structures, have participated in fighting and acts of terror”, the Albanian police write.
According to the document, Mojahedin Khalq or Iran’s Mojahedin Organization, otherwise known as MEK and PMOI, is a revolutionary Marxist-Islamic group, founded in 1965.
In the secret document of the Albanian police, it is said that three Iranian nationals, separated from the camp and living in Tirana, have had their lives threatened by the MEK. And they have reported this at the police station in Tirana in February 2018.
“With regard to these situations and from the data obtained in the operative, it has been learned that: Previously in Iraq Former members of this organization have been murdered in Iraq after they have appeared publicly in opposition to the organization’s activities with the intent of damaging its cause. As can be seen above, and the statements given by Iranian citizens on the “Fiks Fare” show and the charges made to the police commissariats by these citizens, the time, the way of acting, their behavior is similar to the way in a situation of happened earlier in Iraq.
Along the way, by looking at the indications of the actions and behaviors of the concerned citizens who are currently separated from this organization, there are reasonable grounds for suspicion that this situation is the same as happened in Iraq, which was followed by murder.
Assessing the importance of the above information from the state police institution, a maximum assessment of this situation should be carried out and full measures should be planned as follows:
- To undertake a thorough assessment of security measures, to ensure public safety, to prevent any criminal act that may occur between members of the MEK organization and its detained persons.
- Assess any information related to this situation in order to prevent possible criminal incidents.
- Instruct, engage and maximize the capabilities of all state police officers to recognize and engage in the pursuit of these elements. Identification of all settlements and settlements of Iranian nationals in our country and mainly in Tirana and Durres, “reads in the secret police document of the state.
Ylli Zyla, former Chief of Information Service from 2008-2012, also spoke about this organization. “It is strictly strict and if anyone comes out of their criminal framework they are executed by their own members within themselves”, says Ylli Zyla.
Channel4 contacted MEK but was accused of spying for Iran and wanting to break the Iranian opposition. Meanwhile, the journalist shows the support of many politicians from the United States.
“Maybe, according to journalist Lindsey Hilsum, MEK is more threatened by itself than by Iran. In the camp, while they are not allowed to have children, there will be no new generation.
Outside Tirana, we found in the cemetery those who died of a disease, or even age. Everyone has died without seeing their families, and far from their homes.
RAPORTI SEKRET I POLICISË/ MUXHAHEDINËT NË SHQIPËRI, TË AFTË PËR AKTE TERRORISTE, TË MBAHEN NËN KONTROLL (DOKUMENTARI I CHANNEL4NEWS)
Publikuar tek: AKTUALITET, më 13:42 10-09-2018
Brenda Shqipërisë, është duke u ndërtuar një kamp gjigand për muxhahedinët. Të dhënat dhe ato pak filmime janë marrë nga gazetarja Lindsey Hilsum, editore ndërkombëtare e Channel4News, që ka ardhur në Shqipëri dhe ka tentuar të hyjë brenda kampit.
Ka dashur te shkojë te zyrat qendrore te MEK, grupi më i madh opozitar i Iranit, që prej disa vitesh është vendosur në Shqipëri. Dhe një ndër miqtë e opozitës iraniane, është presidenti i SHBA, Donald Trump.
John Bolton, këshilltar i presidentit Trump ishte vitin e kaluar në Shqipëri, ku foli përpara anëtarëve të opozitës Iraniane dhe mënyrës sesi ata duhet të marrin pushtetin.
Gazetarja Lindesy Hilsum, ka shkuar në kamp dhe nuk është lejuar nga rojet private të hyjë brenda kampit për të kryer intervistat.
“Nuk e kuptoj pse nuk na lënë rojet private. Ne ketu jemi në Shqipëri”, thotë ajo në dokumentarin e realizuar, ndërsa thotë se është akuzuar nga muxhahedinët si një spiune e regjimit iranian.
Por gazetarja, prapa telave të kampit, ka parë makineri të shumta që punojnë, duke evidentuar faktin se kampi po zgjerohet, edhe pse askush nuk do të flasë.
Edhe pse ka prezantuar dokumentin e saj si gazetare, rojet private shqiptare nuk e kanë lënë të kryejë detyrën. “Stop filmimeve”, dëgjohet në kamera roja i sigurisë private dhe më pas vendos dorën tek kamera për të mos lejuar filmimet.
Në luftën Iran-Irak, MEK u vendos në krah të Sadam Hyseinit, thotë gazetarja, kundër vendit të tyre. Regjimi iranian në atë kohë, ekzekutoi qindra anëtarë të opozitës, MEK. Ata operonin në baza militare në Irak dhe në atë kohë ishin klasifikuar nga SHBA si organizatë terroriste.
Kur amerikanët rrëzuan Sadamin në 2003, MEK u dorëzuan te trupat amerikane. Por gjithmonë ishin nën sulmin e forcave pro-iraniane. Dhe në këtë moment, SHBA revokoi statusin e terroristëve për MEK. Dhe më pas, shpërndanë muxhahedinët në katër vende që kishin mbëshetjen e SHBA, dhe një prej tyre ishte Shqipëria.
“Në Tiranë takova një cift me shtetësi kanadeze që shpërndanin fletëpalosje për qytetarët ndërsa thoshin se MEK nuk është gjë e mirë për vendin e tyre.
Ata thanë se kanë ardhur në Shqipëri të shohin vajzën e tyre, Samaja, që pretendojnë se është rrëmbyer nga MEK, 20 vjet më parë dhe gjendet në Shqipëri.
“Nuk jam kundër muxhahedinëve. Nuk kam asnjë qëllim për këtë. Unë dua të shoh vajzën time, vetëm për 10 minuta” thotë i ati i vajzës për gazetaren e Channel4News.
Samaja Mohamedy, i tha gazetares së Channel4 se babai i saj ishte një spiun iranian dhe ajo nuk do ta shohë atë. “Ka ardhur në Shqipëri për të spiunuar kampin tonë. Ai ka ardhur në Shqipëri t’u thotë njerëzve se muxhahedinët më kanë rrëmbyer. Por kjo nuk është e vërtetë” ishte pohimi i vajzës.
Muxhahedinët në kampin shqiptar janë të frikësuar se ish komandantët janë duke i vëzhguar dhe duan t’i eleminojnë.
Gazetarja ka gjetur edhe një muxhahedin që i tregon se jeta në kampin e MEK nuk është e lirë. Ai ka treguar me vullnet të lirë ndarjen e burrave dhe grave në kamp dhe se në të, ata nuk duhet të kishin asnjë mendim as për seksin. “Gjatë ditës, çdo anëtar i kampit duhet të shkruante për mendimet seksuale dhe çdo mbrëmje duhet t’i lexonim ato përpara të tjerëve dhe komandantëve” thotë ai.
Plani i masave i policisë shqiptare
Gazetares i ka rënë në dorë plani i masave të policisë shqiptare për të ruajtur opozitën iraniane në Shqipëri. “Plan masash për monitorimin dhe mbajtjen nën kontroll dhe parandalimin e ngjarjeve të mundshme kriminale në drejtim të shtetasve iranianë pjesëtarë të organizatës MEK të strehuar në Shqipëri” është titulli i dokumentit.
“Aktualisht në territorin e RSH janë strehuar 2745 shtetas iranianë të ardhur prej disa vitesh. Këta shtetas janë pjesë e organizatës MEK e njohur ndryshe si opozita iraniane. Ardhja në vendin tonë e azilkërkuesve iranianë, mund të sjellë implikime në sigurinë e brendshme, pasi këta individë, janë të indoktrinuar thellësisht, kanë qenë pjesë e strukturave ushtarake, kanë marrë pjesë në luftime dhe në akte terrori” shkruan dokumenti i policisë shqiptare.
Sipas dokumentit, Mojahedin e Khalq ose Organizata e Muxhahedinëve të Popullit të Iranit, njohur ndryshe si MEK dhe OMPI, është një grup revolucionar marksist-islamik, i themeluar në vitin 1965.
Në dokumentin sekret të policisë shqiptare, thuhet se tre shtetas iranianë, të shkëputur nga kampi dhe që jetojnë në Tiranë, janë kërcënuar me jetë nga MEK. Dhe ata kanë denoncuar në komisariatin e policisë në Tiranë në shkurt 2018.
“Në lidhje me këto situate dhe nga të dhënat e marra në rrugë operative është mësuar se: Më parë në Irak kanë ndodhur vrasje të- ish anëtarëve të kësaj organizate të shkëputur prej saj pasi ata kanë dalë publikisht duke iu kundërvenë veprimtarisë së organizatës me qëllim dëmtimin e kauzës së saj. Nga sa shihet më lart dhe intevistimet e dhëna nga shtetasit iranianë në emisionin “Fiks Fare” si dhe kallzimet e bëra në komisariatet e policisë nga këta shtetas, koha, mënyra e të vepruarit, sjelljes së tyre është e ngjashme si mënyrë me një situatë të ndodhur më parë në Irak.
Në vijimësi, duke parë indikacionet e veprimeve dhe sjelljeve të shtetasve në fjalë të cilët aktualisht janë të shkëputur nga kjo organizatë, ka dyshime të arsyeshme se kjo situatë është e njëjtë me atë të ndodhur më parë në Irak e cila është pasuar me vrasje.
Duke vlerësuar rëndësinë e informacioneve të mësipërme nga strukturat e policisë së shtetit duhet të kryhet vlerësim maksimal për këtë situatë dhe të planifikohen masa të plota si më poshtë vijon:
Të bëhet vlerësimi i lartë i masave të sigurisë, për të garantuar sigurinë publike, parandalimin e ndonjë akti kriminal që mund të ndodhë midis anëtarëve të organizatës MEK dhe personave të shkëputur prej saj.
Të vlerësohet çdo informacion lidhur me këtë situatë me qëllim parandalimin e mundshëm të ngjarjeve kriminale.
Instruktim, angazhim dhe vlerësim maksimal i të gjithë punonjësve të policisë së shtetit që të njihen dhe të angazhohen në ndjekjen e këtyre elementeve. Identifikimin e të gjitha vendbanimeve dhe vendqëndrimeve të shtetasve iranianë në vendin tonë dhe kryesisht në Tiranë dhe në Durrës”, shkruhet në dokumentin sekret të policisë së shtetit.
Ylli Zyla, ish shef i Shërbimit Informativ nga viti 2008-2012 ka folur gjithashtu për këtë organizatë. “Eshtë me rregulla strikte dhe nëse ndokush del nga korniza e tyre kriminale ata ekzekutohen nga vetë anëtarët e tyre brenda vetes” thotë Ylli Zyla.
Channel4 kontaktoi MEK por u akuzuan si spiunë të Iranit dhe se donte të thyente opozitën iraniane. Ndërkohë gazetarja tregon mbështetjen e shumë politikanëve nga SHBA.
“Ndoshta, konstaton gazetarja Lindsey Hilsum, MEK kërcënohet më shumë nga vetja sesa nga Irani. Në kamp, përderisa nuk lejohet që të ketë fëmijë, nuk do të ketë asnjë gjeneratë të re.
Jashtë Tiranës, ne gjetëm edhe varrezat e tyre, për ata që kanë vdekur nga ndonjë sëmundje, apo edhe mosha. Të gjithë kanë vdekur pa parë familjet e tyre, dhe shumë larg nga shtëpitë.
Iranian Mojahedin Khalq confuse toilet paper with sandpaper (MEK, MKO, Rajavi Cult, NCRI …)
Gjergji Thanasi, Gazeta Impact, August 22 2018:… Elderly folk, MEK, former terrorists, currently stateless (refugees) who are sheltered in Albania as persons protected for humanitarian reasons, I remind you with humility that attacking me with all kinds of slanders, tales and idiocies just reminded me of Communist Albania before 1990. You old men and women, presently stateless former criminals, I can say that …
Link to the source (Albanian)
Translated by Iran Interlink
Iranian Mojahedin Khalq confuse toilet paper with sandpaper (MEK, MKO, Rajavi Cult, NCRI …)
GAZETA IMPAKT – August 21, 2018
By Gjergji Thanasi
From Mr. Muhammad Veliu’s writing in Gazeta Shqiptarja.com we learned that representatives of the group, organization, cult of Madam Rajavi, with its headquarters (camp, barracks) in Manza, are coming more and more under the spotlight of the most prestigious international media (TV, newspapers, news agencies etc.), and have decided to fight back. In their counter attack they dealt with me personally. In this writing they will have the preface of my answer.
Elderly folk, MEK, former terrorists, currently stateless (refugees) who are sheltered in Albania as persons protected for humanitarian reasons, I remind you with humility that attacking me with all kinds of slanders, tales and idiocies just reminded me of Communist Albania before 1990. You old men and women, presently stateless former criminals, I can say that by scratching at me in a false and fabricated way they have confused toilet paper with sandpaper!
To the public, I am explaining one of their idiosyncratic allegations, not only to reject it, but also to bring to life the paranoia of these criminalized “fossils”, still in circulation from a bygone era.
MEK! Do not be so stupid as to lie about the incident of March 22, 2018, when collaborators in the Albanian police ordered by you (and you have left traces, as ignorant as you are), detained two Iranian journalists. Within 3-4 hours they were released and received an apology (documented with audio recording in Albanian, English and with a phrase in Farsi). How is it possible that the Albanian police release terrorists and apologize?!?!? Are you living in a cave, oh you elderly stateless former criminals?!?!?!? These two Iranian “terrorists” came to Albania at the invitation of the Bektashi World Chief of Bektashis, Baba Mondi. Do you believe, you wretched people, that Baba Mondi is a collaborator with Iranian terrorists?!?!?! The two “terrorists” were detained during the celebrations of the Bektashi Celebration, Sultan Novruz, in the premises of the Headquarters in Tirana, some 30 km from the camp barracks, your residence in Manza. Did these terrorists, with their presence at this ceremony, want to commit terrorist acts against their host Baba Mondi or even the President of the Republic of Albania, who was a participant in this ceremony?!??!?! Two Iranian “terrorists” entered Albania with a regular visa issued by the Albanian Consulate General in Istanbul for free (gratis). It is a miserable day when our diplomats in Istanbul have become a conduit for Iranian terrorists?!?!?!?! Ask your unintelligent collaborators in the Albanian intelligence service, to read, for further information, my article at the link:
The MEK states that journalist and British citizen Arron Reza Merat is an infamous Iranian agent of the Iranian regime. I appeal to British diplomats in Tirana to urgently report to MI5 and MI6 that the MEK have discovered this dangerous Iranian spy in our Tirana. While we are here, the British diplomats in Tirana should urgently inform the British intelligence service that MEK of Manza have also discovered a dangerous Iranian spy (British citizen) named Anne Singleton, with whom I was a participant last November (not December as they have incorrectly and unintelligently informed our readers) in a public activity, a seminar, a workshop in Tirana, an activity featured in the electronic media, written media and with videos on You tube, and photos on my personal Facebook. Albanian readers are offered this link to the most recent article by Arron Merat (with associates), the Iranian “spy” for the most serious British newspaper “The Guardian”. link:
Elderly, stateless ex-terrorists, (without a homeland), I explained that I went to Manzas as a translator for the British journalist, not as co-author of his article. I remind the miserable MEK that their Albanian collaborators went to the Faculty of Philology in Tirana to verify that I really did graduate in English in 1988, inter alia to perform the role of a professional oral translator and in writing (interpreter & translator). I did not hide my identity because I presented to MEK a legal identification document, an international passport. I also had an identity card, a driving license, a journalist’s card and a permit to enter Durres Port. I gave my passport, the document contains more info and I had the suspicion that the training which they which they had 30 years ago from Saddam Hussein’s 9th Mukhabarat Directorate was shallow, deficient and very rudimentary. The MEK, in a very professional way, photographed and documented by my side, not just the passport page with my personal details on it, but also every passport page, where there were the exit and entry stamps for whenever I had travelled abroad since December 2010! I remind the MEK that neither they nor the Argon security employees and security guards, have the jurisdiction to check ID documents of Albanian or foreign nationals outside the fence of the camp, barracks, MEK refuge in Manza. I gave my documents and those of the person driving the car owned by my wife to test the professionalism of these former terrorists for the sake of the “Argon” company employees who are ordinary people who support their families with that job!
I did not come to your camp as a reporter but as a translator, however, since, according to your “spokesperson”: “He is part of the Albanian network working with the Iranian Embassy”, I will publicly expose your extreme paranoia. While I still have a very good, almost photographic memory, of being outdoors outside your camp, outside the gate, often in the public road asphalt, I am informing you publicly that I noticed, among other things, these things:
Works in your camp are being carried out by the “Victoria Invets” company owned by Mr. Fatmir Kuqin “. I have almost photographed in my mind, the types, brands and vehicle plates of this company, which entered and left the camp.
Among the subcontractors I noted three different firms. So you don’t think I’m bluffing I’ll mention one of them, company “Beton 5”.
I noted the types and Trademarks used by the “Argon” company’s employees, as well as the type and brand of their handsets (walkie talkies).
I noted the brand of hand radios used by two of the MEK, who were a bunch of commanders, one of whom, in 1991, as a tank driver with “Assad Babylon” [Saddam Hussein] stained the tracks of his tank with the blood of women, children, babies and Shiite tribal elders in the villages in the wetlands near Basra and up to the outskirts of the Iraqi Port Um-Qasser!
I promise you that I will carefully investigate and make public in detail the procedure for obtaining permission from the Albanian authorities for the installation of antennas for such radio transmitters!
I have photographed in my mind the types, brands and license plates of the transport which conveys Albanian employees into and out of the camp. Such details are important to understanding MEK-Albanian relations.
I also fixed in my memory such details as the type and brand of telescopic mirror, which was used to check the underneath of the car chassis entering and leaving the MEK residence. Congratulations, yours are better quality than the ones used by the Vehicle Inspection Guard at the entrance of the Prime Ministry (SIC!).
While on the subject of the Prime Minister, my brother Edwin, the famous leader: Wait, wait, you haven’t seen anything yet. I assure you, oh you wretched MEK, that in the second part of my answer you will be treated to such topics as: 1) Ashraf Camp 3 or George Orwell’s Animal Farm. 2) Edwin ‘the Believer’ hopes to use MEK as a master key to open the Oval Office door. 3) Details of how I will accompany other foreign journalists to the gate of Madam Rajavi’s “Animal Farm”. 4) The public outcry against the MEK and the rule of hearing two bells in journalism. 5) Albanians generally do not endure foreign boils and do not allow them to command in Albania. 6) From Ruskik Haza! Fuck off MEK, this is dialectical!
Oh you MEK, all this story about you started from my writing in this link here:
MEK tomorrow! And tomorrow! / IMPACT GAZETTE
Muxhahedinët iranianë ngatërrojnë letrën higjenike me letër zumpara
GAZETA IMPAKT –
August 21, 2018
NGA GJERGJI THANASI
Nga një shkrim i z.Muhamed Veliu për Gazetën Shqiptarja.com mësuam se përfaqësuesit e grupacionit, organizatës, kultiti të Madam Rajavi-t me seli (kamp, kazerma) në Manzë të ndodhur gjithnjë e më shumë nën prozhektorët e medias ndërkombëtare (TV, gazeta, agjensi lajmesh etj.) ndër më prestigjozet kanë vendosur të kundërsulmojnë mediatikisht. Në kundërsulmin e tyre janë marrë edhe me mua personalisht. Në këtë shkrim do të kenë parathënien e përgjigjes time.
Pleqve dhe plakave MEK ish terroristë aktualisht të pa Atdhe (apolidë), të cilët janë strehuar në Shqipëri si persona të mbrojtur për arsye humanitare u kujtoj me modesti se duke më sulmuar mua me gjtihfarë shpifjesh, përrallash e idiotësira thjesht më kujtuan Shqipërinë komuniste të para vitit 1990. Këta pleq e plaka ish kriminelë aktualisht të pa Atdhe në mënyrë të sintetizuar dhe figurativisht mund të them se duke u gërricur me mua kanë ngatërruar letrën higjenike me letrën zumpara!
Për publikun po sqaroj një nga një akuzat e tyre idiote, jo vetëm për t’i hedhur poshtë ato, por edhe për të gicilitur paranojën e këtyre “fosileve” të kriminalizuara, të mbetura ende në qarkullim nga një epokë e shkuar.
- MEK-sa mos gënjeni trashë për incidentin e 22 marsit 2018, kur segmente kuislinge të policisë shqiptare të urdhëruara nga ju (keni lënë dhe gjurmë si xhahilë, që jeni), ndaluan 2 gazetarë iranianë. Brenda 3-4 orëve i liruan dhe u kërkuan falje (dokumentuar me regjistrim audio në shqip, anglisht e me ndonjë frazë në gjuhën Farsi). Si ka mundësi që policia shqiptare liron terroristët dhe u kërkon falje?!?!? Jeni në metro o pleq ish kriminelë aktualisht të pa Atdhe?!?!?!? Këta 2 “terroristët” iranianë erdhën në Shqipëri me ftesën me shkrim të Kryegjyshit Botëror të Bektashinjve, Baba Mondit. A besoni ju more të mjerë, që Baba Mondi është bashkëpunëtor me terroristët iranianë?!??!?! Dy “terroristët” u ndaluan gjatë festimeve të festës së bektashinjve, Sulltan Novruzit në ambientet e Kryegjyshatës në Tiranë, nja 30 Km larg kampit, kazermës, vendbanimit tuaj në Manzë. Mos vallë këta terroristë me prezencën e tyre në këtë ceremoni donin të kryenin akt terrorist kundra mikpritësit të tyre Baba Mondit apo edhe Presidentit të Republikës së Shqipërisë, që ishte pjesëmarrës në këtë ceremoni?!??!?! Dy “terroristët” iranianë hynë në Shqipëri me vizë të rregullt të lëshuar nga Kryekonsullata e Shqipërisë në Stamboll madje pa pagesë (gratis). Mos vallë ore mjeranë, diplomatët tanë në Stamboll janë bërë jatak për terroristët iranianë?!??!?!?! Kërkjoni kuislingëve tuaj jo inteligjentë pjesë e shërbimit iteligjent shqiptarë, që për informacione të mëtejshme të lexojnë shkrimin tim në linkun:
- MEK-sat shprehen se gazetari dhe shtetasi anglez Arron Reza Merat është iranian famëkeq i lidhur me regjimin iranian. U bëj apel diplomatëve britanikë në Tiranë, që urgjentisht të lajmërojnë MI 5 dhe MI6, për këtë spiun të rrezikshëm iranian, që na e zbuluan MEK-sat tanë në Tiranë. Me që jemi këtu diplomatët britanikë në Tiranë urgjentisht të informojnë shërbimin inteligjent anglez se MEK-sat e Manzës kanë zbuluar edhe një spiune të rrezikshme iraniane (shtetase britanike) të quajtur Anne Singleton, me të cilën unë kam qenë pjesëmarrës nëntorin e shkuar (jo dhjetor sic kanë informuar gabimisht shikasit tanë kuislingë dhe aspak inteligjentë) në një aktivitet publik, seminar, uork shop në Tiranë, aktivitet ky i pasyruar në mediat elektronike, të shkruara, me filmime në You tube, dhe me foto në Facebook-un tim personal. Për lexuesit shqiptar po ofroj linkun e shkrimit më të fundit (me bashkëpunëtor) të këtij Arron Merat, “spiunit” iranian për gazetën më serioze britanike “The Guardian”. Linku:
- Pleqve dhe plakve ish terroriste aktualisht të pa Atdhe (apolidë) po u sqaroj se unë në Manzë shkova si përkthyes me gazetarin britanik, jo si bashkëautor i shkrimit të tij. U kujtoj MEK-save të mjerë, që kuislingët e tyre shqiptarë të shkojnë të verifikojnë në Fakultetin Histori Filologji në Tiranë, për të parë se realisht jam diplomuar për anglisht në vitin 1988, ndër të tjera edhe për të kryer rolin e përkthyesit profesionist me gojë dhe me shkrim (interpreter&translator). Nuk e fsheha identitetin tim, sepse u paraqita MEK-save një dokument identifikimi legal timin, pasaportën ndërkombëtare. Me vete kisha edhe kartën e identitetit, edhe lejen e drejtimit të automjetit edhe kartën e gazetarit edhe leje për hyrje në Portin e Durësit. U dhashë pasaportën, se si dokument përmban më shumë info dhe kisha dyshim se trajnimi, që u kanë dhënë thuajse 30 vjet më parë djemtë e Abdul Al-Bajati-t të Drejtorisë së 9-të të Mukhabaratit të Sadam Hysejnit ka qenë i cekët, i mangët dhe tepër rudimentar. MEK-sat në mënyrë shumë aprofesionale fotografuan dhe u dokumentua nga ana ime, jo vetëm faqen e pasaportës me të dhënat e mija personale, por edhe cdo faqe pasaporte, ku kishte vula hyrje dalje të mijat sa herë kisha udhëtuar jashtë shtetit nga dhjetori 2010! U kujtoj MEK-save se jo ata, jo e jo por edhe punonjësit e kompanisë së sigurisë dhe ruajtjes fizike “Argon” nuk kanë juridiksion të kontrollojnë dokumente identiteti të shtetasve shqiptarë apo të huaj jashtë rrethimit të kampit, kazermave, vendstrehimit te MEK-save në Manzë. Dokumentin tim dhe të personit, që ngiste makinën në pronësi të sime shoqeje ua dhashë si për të testuar profesionalizmin e këtyre ish terroristëve edhe për hir të punonjësit të Kompanisë “Argon”, i cili është njeri pozitiv, që me atë punë ushqen familjen!
- Te kampi juaj në Mnzë nuk erdha si reporter, por si përkthyes, gjithsesi meqenëse unë sipas “zëdhënëses” suaj: “Ai bën pjesë në rrjetin e shqiptarëve, që punojnë me ambasadën iraniane.”, publikisht do tiu gicilis paranojën tuaj të skajshme. Përderisa ende kam një kujtesë shumë të mirë thuajse fotografike, gjatë qëndrimit jashtë kampit tuaj, jashtë portës (gate), shpesh edhe në asfaltin e rrugës publike, po ju informoj publikisht se vura re ndër të tjera këto gjëra:
- Punimet në kampin tuaj po i kryen Kompania “Victoria Invets” me pronar z. Fatmir Kuqin”. Kam thuajse të fotografuar në mendje, llojet, markat dhe targat e mjeteve të kësaj kompanie, që hynin e dilnin në kamp.
- Ndër nënkontraktorët e punimeve vura re tre firma të ndryshme. Për të mos menduar se po bllofoj po përmend njerën prej tyre Kompania “Beton 5”.
- Fiksova llojet dhe markat e armëve të brezit të punonjësve të kompanisë “Argon” si edhe tipin dhe markën e radiove të tyre të dorës (Ëalkie-talkie).
- Fiksova markën e tipin e radiove të dorës të përdorur nga dy prej MEK-save, që ishin si bicim shefash, njëri prej tyre në vitin 1991 si tankist me “Assad Babilon” i ka pas lyer zinxhirët e tankut të vet me gjak grash, fëmijësh, pleqsh e plakash shiitë në fshtrat në zonën ligatinore afër Basrës dhe deri thuajse në periferi të Portit iraken Um-Qasser!
- Ju premtoj se do ta investigopj me kujdes e do ta bëj publike në detaje procedurën e marrjes së lejeve nga autoritetet shqiptare për vendosjen e antenave për të tilla radio marrëse-dhënëse!
- I kam të fotografuara në mendje llojet, markat dhe targat e mejteve të transportit, që i conin jashtë kampit punonjësit shqiptarë. Hollësi të tilla janë të rëendësishme për të kuptuar marëdhëniet MEK-se-shqiptare
- Kam të fiksuar në kujtesë edhe detaje të tilla si tipin dhe markën e pasqyrës teleskopike, që shërbente për kontrollin nga poshtë të shasisë së automjeteve, që hynin e dilnin në vendbanimin e MEK-save. Urime e keni më cilësore sesa ajo, që përdor garda për kontrollin e automjeteve në hyrjen anësore të Kryeminsitrisë (SIC!).
Duke huazuar nga kryeministri dhe kryerilindasi im Edvin batutën famose: Prisni, prisni, se nuk keni parë gjë akoma, ju siguroj o MEK-sa të mjerë se në pjesën e dytë të përgjigjes sime do të trajtohen tema të tilla si: 1) Kampi Ashraf 3 ose Ferma e Kafshëve e Xhorxh Oruellit. 2) Kryerilindasi Edvin shpreson të përdorë MEK-sat si celsa kopilë (master key) për të hapur derën e Zyrës Ovale. 3) Hollësi sesi do t’i shoqëroj të tjerë gazetarë të huaj deri te porta e “Ferëms së Kafshëve” të Madam Rajavi-t. 4) Surrati publik i MEK-ut dhe rregulli i dëgjimit të dy këmbanave në gazetari . 5) Shqiptarët përgjithsisht nuk i durojnë cibanët e huaj dhe nuk i lejojnë të komandojnë në Shqipëri. 6) Nga Ruskik Haza! Në Shporruni MEK-sa kjo është dialektike!
E gjithë kjo histori me ju o MEK-sa filloi nga shkrimi im në këtë linkun këtu:
MEK-sa nesër avazi! Nesër avazi!/ GAZETA IMPAKT
Albanian Police No Match For MEK Commanders Trained By Saddam’s Mukhabarat
Massoud Khodabandeh, Iranian.com, August 09 2018:… Afamily drama playing out in Albania has caught the attention of media and public opinion. But this is no ordinary drama. It is the story of Iranian born Mostafa and Mahboubeh Mohammadi, who are Canadian citizens and their twenty-one-year struggle to rescue their daughter from a dangerous terrorist cult. In 1997, Somayeh and …
Albanian Police No Match For MEK Commanders Trained By Saddam’s Mukhabarat
Afamily drama playing out in Albania has caught the attention of media and public opinion. But this is no ordinary drama. It is the story of Iranian born Mostafa and Mahboubeh Mohammadi, who are Canadian citizens and their twenty-one-year struggle to rescue their daughter from a dangerous terrorist cult.
In 1997, Somayeh and her brother Mohammad, were deceptively recruited into the violent extremist group, Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK). Somayeh was seventeen. They travelled to Iraq for a two week visit to the MEK training camp, and never returned home. Their parents were supporters of MEK and at first simply appealed directly to the group’s leaders for their children’s return to their studies and family. MEK ignored their requests.
It wasn’t until the fall of Saddam’s regime in 2003 that Mostafa was able to travel to Iraq independently of MEK and reach out to his children. He managed to rescue Mohammad and bring him back to Canada. But Somayeh was under constant supervision by MEK commanders who used coercive control to confuse and intimidate the girl. She was afraid to leave, even though she had written several times to the US Marines guarding the camp asking for help.
Somayeh and Mohammad Mohammadi in Camp Ashraf Iraq
Her parents made repeated attempts to meet freely with Somayeh, so they could reassure her of her future with them in Canada. MEK closed all doors to them and in doing so, alienated a whole family which had been ardent supporters. Mostafa had even volunteered to take part in the MEK orchestrated self-immolations in 2003 to protest the arrest in Paris of MEK leader Maryam Rajavi. He was only saved when a friend snatched the lighter from his hand after Mostafa had doused himself in petrol. Now, instead of returning Somayeh to Canada and having a family of active supporters for their cause, MEK has destroyed the life of a young woman and broken the hearts of her family.
Mostafa and Mahboubeh Mohammadi interviewed by Albanian media
Somayeh was brought to Albania with another 3,000 MEK after Iraq expelled the terrorist group. From their first arrival in Tirana in 2013, MEK members frightened ordinary citizens with their intimidatory behaviour. Intense and forceful but somehow disengaged, MEK members swept through the capital like a plague. In place of a de-radicalization programme, the Americans in charge of them allowed them to retreat behind the closed walls of a purpose-built terrorist training camp in a rural town, Manez in the district of Durres. In spite of this, over four hundred have managed to escape the group and are willing to endure hardship rather than continue to associate with MEK. One recent escapee described conditions inside MEK as “slavery”.
In this context, Mostafa and Mahboubeh are now in Tirana making another attempt to meet their daughter. This time, without the presence of MEK minders. They have appealed to the Albanian authorities to help them. They refused.
Instead, MEK has been allowed to go berserk, instigating a campaign of propaganda and intimidation that has created a real crisis for the country; for its citizens, its government and its security and law enforcement services.
Albanian media presents this as a family dispute. But there is no equivalence between the ordinary parents from Canada and the people who are surrounding Somayeh. These are people whose background reveals how dangerous they are. So that when the Albanian police are called to an incidence of public disorder, they are not expecting nor are they quipped through training or resources to deal with radicalised violent extremists trained by Saddam Hussein’s Republican Guards, many with blood on their hands. Yet this is what the government has imposed on them. Even the security and intelligence services of Albania are inadequately prepared to deal with the criminal unpredictability and unaccountability of MEK.
The MEK commanders and agents involved in delivering MEK’s version of Somayeh’s story are as follows:
The female commander, Jila Deyhim, was recruited as a student at Manchester University in the UK at the time of Iran’s 1979 Revolution. Her husband Ahmad Shadbakhti was killed in an armed clash with security forces in Tehran. Jila left their daughter in the UK to be raised by her brother Khosro Deyhim (aka Haji) in Newcastle Upon Tyne while she went to join MEK in Iraq.
Jila is the head of MEK Operations in Tirana. As well as being present when two MEK operatives publicly assaulted Mostafa in a street in Tirana, she organised for over 60 MEK to surround Police Station 4 in Tirana while two arrested MEK members were being questioned by police. Afterwards, JIla sent the 60 MEK to spread through the city to hunt down and intimidate and beat up ex-MEK members. (Local police officers, used to dealing with ordinary crimes and criminals, were so shocked by the MEK behaviour that they wrote to the Interior Ministry saying they are not equipped to deal with sixty potential suicide bombers and to ask that the security forces in charge of MEK make sure the police will not have to deal with these ‘guests of the state’ again.)
Historically, Jila served as a commander during the Kurdish massacres – Operation Morvarid (Pearl) in 1991 – as well as many other operations. Witnesses have given further testimony of her torturing and killing disaffected members in MEK/Saddam Hussein prisons in Camp Ashraf. Jila ‘graduated’ as a highly trained intelligence officer under Saddam Hussein’s security service. In addition, she undertook field training, tank driving, basic combat and SWAT command.
Jila Deyhim in Iraq and in Albania
Homayoun Deyhim – in the pink shirt assaulting Mostafa Mohammadi – is a brother of Jila. He studied Electrical Engineering in Newcastle University in the UK just before the Revolution. During the Revolution he went to India to study for an MSC. In India he worked for MEK, but was later recruited by Jila to go to Iraq.
Homayoun never achieved any significant rank, working mostly in the technical and repair departments. But he is famous inside MEK for agreeing to do anything to get promoted. Hence, on many occasions he was involved in punitive beating and humiliating of other members in Camp Ashraf. Homayoun undertook basic military training and Republican Guards operations training.
In Police Station 4 in Tirana after his arrest for assaulting Mostafa, Jila instructed Homayoun to claim that Mostafa had attacked him. They did not know at that time that there was videoed evidence from the scene which shows what actually happened.
Homayoun Deyhim in Iraq and Albania
Behzad Saffari from Isfahan went to the UK to study dentistry He was recruited by MEK and sent to Iraq after Rajavi moved there. He was injured in operation Eternal Light (Forough Javidan) in 1988 and brought back to London to recover before being sent back to Iraq. Witnesses allege that Behzad was involved in beatings in MEK prisons. Behzad cheated his family out of their life savings – which he gave to MEK – by falsely claiming to have left the organisation. His father sent money to family members in Canada, but it ended up in MEK accounts in the UK.
Behzad was involved in liaising with the UNHCR during the transfer process from Iraq to Albania. Former members recount how the UNHCR gave each individual 100 USD for the journey and after their arrival. When the members arrived in Tirana airport, Behzad took the $100 from each one of them and gave them one hundred Albanian LEK as local currency (around one US dollar).
Behzad is currently involved with the teams harassing ex-members and journalists in Tirana. Behzad Saffari is liaising with the MEK lawyer and answers to Jila Deyhim.
Behzad Saffari in Iraq and Albania
Ahmad Taba (aka Akbar), was a student in UMIST (Manchester) at the time of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. He was recruited by MEK to work in London and was then transferred to Iraq after Massoud Rajavi went there.
Ahmad was trained as a helicopter pilot by the Iraqi Army. He graduated from training by Saddam’s Republican Guards, which included guerrilla war and SWAT tactics. He also underwent a 9-month course with Saddam’s Mukhabarat, from which he graduated as an Intelligence officer. He killed many civilians in the Kurdish attacks and there are witnesses connecting him to the torture of prisoners in Camp Ashraf.
Ahmad Taba in Albania and Iraq
Somayeh Mohammadi herself has not left the MEK camps in Iraq or Albania for twenty-one years. She has no idea about what is happening in the outside world. It is incomprehensible that a woman who claims to be freely pursuing a political struggle for violent regime change against Iran is incapable of meeting alone with her parents to tell them face to face of her decision. Her parents, who know her so well, say it is clear she is afraid and not acting freely when she speaks out against them. Surrounded by the above MEK characters, it is clear that she is under control and is unable to speak or act for herself in any meaningful way. This is not a family dispute, Somayeh is a hostage.
Under the pressure of coercive control, experts can easily recognise in Somayeh a victim who, in the hands of MEK, has been forced to the edge of a cliff over which she may be pushed or fall. If it is subsequently reported that she has disappeared, committed suicide, drowned in a reservoir or otherwise come to harm, there can be no doubt that the government of Albania must be held accountable. She cannot save herself from harm, yet the possibility of MEK harming her is very high. She is in great danger.
Albania may be a failed state, but it is not a rogue state like Saddam’s Iraq. It is a state with pretensions to joining the European Union. The government can and should be held accountable for whatever happens to Somayeh Mohammadi. The way to prevent such an outcome is to step in and separate her from her captors.
Një dramë familjare që po shfaqet në Shqipëri ka tërhequr vëmendjen e mediave dhe opinionit publik. Por kjo nuk është një dramë e zakonshme. Është historia e çiftit iranian Mostafa dhe Mahboubeh Mohammadi, të cilët janë qytetarë kanadezë dhe prej njëzet e një vitesh luftojnë për të shpëtuar vajzën e tyre nga një kult i rrezikshëm terrorist.
Në vitin 1997, Somayeh dhe vëllai i saj Mohammad, u rekrutuan në mënyrë mashtruese në grupin e dhunshëm ekstremist, Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK). Somayeh ishte shtatëmbëdhjetë vjeç. Ata udhëtuan për në Irak për një vizitë dyjavore në kampin e trajnimit të MEK-ut dhe kurrë nuk u kthyen në shtëpi. Prindërit e tyre ishin përkrahës të MEK-ut dhe së pari thjesht iu drejtuan drejtuesve të grupit për kthimin e fëmijëve të tyre në familje. MEK i shpërfilli kërkesat e tyre.
Deri në rënien e regjimit të Sadamit në vitin 2003, Mostafa ishte në gjendje të udhëtojë në Irak pavarësisht nga MEK dhe të arrijë tek fëmijët e tij. Ai arriti të shpëtojë Muhammedin dhe ta çonte atë në Kanada. Por Somayeh ishte nën mbikëqyrje të vazhdueshme nga komandantët e MEK që përdorën kontrollin shtrëngues për të ngatërruar dhe frikësuar vajzën. Ajo kishte frikë të largohej, megjithëse kishte shkruar disa herë marinës amerikane që ruanin kampin duke kërkuar ndihmë.
Somayeh dhe Mohammad Mohammadi në Kampin Ashraf, Irak
Prindërit e saj bënin përpjekje të përsëritura për t’u takuar lirshëm me Somayeh dhe për ta rikthyer atë në familjen e tyre në Kanada. MEK i mbylli të gjitha dyert dhe duke vepruar kështu, tjetërsonte një familje të tërë që kishte qenë përkrahës i zjarrtë. Mostafa madje vullnetarisht mori pjesë në MEK-un në vitin 2003 për të protestuar kundër arrestimit në Paris të liderit MEK Maryam Rajavi. Por edhe pas kësaj sakrifice të Mostafa, MEK nuk e ktheu Somayeh në familjen e saj, por e mban mbyllur duke i shkatërruar jetën dhe duke thyer zemrat e familjarëve të saj.
Somayeh u soll në Shqipëri nga MEK pasi Iraku dëboi grupin terrorist. Që nga ardhja e tyre e parë në Tiranë në vitin 2013, anëtarët e MEK-ut i frikësuan qytetarët me sjelljen e tyre intimidatore dhe menjëherë ata u përhapën në qytet si një murtajë .
Në vend të një programi de-radikalizimi, amerikanët përgjegjës për to i lejuan të tërhiqen prapa mureve të mbyllura të një kampi stërvitjeje të ndërtuar në një qytet rural të Durrësit, Manëz. Përkundër kësaj, më shumë se katërqind njerëz kanë arritur të shpëtojnë nga grupi dhe janë të gatshëm të përballojnë vështirësitë në vend që të vazhdojnë të lidhen me MEK. Një i arratisur i kohëve të fundit përshkroi kushtet brenda MEK si “skllavëri”.
Mostafa dhe Mahboubeh janë tani në Tiranë duke bërë një përpjekje tjetër për të takuar vajzën e tyre. Ata u janë lutur autoriteteve shqiptare për t’i ndihmuar. Ata refuzuan.
Në vend të kësaj, MEK-u është lejuar të nxisë një fushatë të propagandës dhe frikësimit që ka krijuar një krizë të vërtetë për vendin, për qytetarët e saj, qeverinë e saj, sigurinë e saj dhe shërbimet e zbatimit të ligjit.
Mediat shqiptare e paraqesin këtë si një mosmarrëveshje familjare . Por nuk ekziston ekuivalenca mes prindërve të zakonshëm nga Kanadaja dhe njerëzve që po rrethojnë Somayeh. Këta janë njerëz, prejardhja e të cilëve zbulon sa të rrezikshëm janë. Kështu që kur policia shqiptare është thirrur në një incident të çrregullimit publik, ata as nuk janë përfshirë në trajnime apo burime për t’u marrë me ekstremistët e dhunshëm të radikalizuar të trajnuar nga rojet republikane të Saddam Husseinit, shumë prej të cilëve me gjak në duart e tyre. Megjithatë, kjo është ajo që qeveria u ka imponuar atyre. Edhe shërbimet e sigurisë dhe të inteligjencës së Shqipërisë nuk janë të përgatitur në mënyrë adekuate për t’u marrë me paparashikueshmërinë dhe mosgndërgjegjshmërinë kriminale të MEK.
Komandantët dhe agjentët e MEK-ut të përfshirë në dorëzimin e versionit të MEK-ut për historinë e Somayeh janë si më poshtë:
Komandantja femër, Jila Deyhim, u rekrutua si studente në Universitetin e Manchesterit në Mbretërinë e Bashkuar në kohën e Revolucionit të Iranit në 1979. Burri i saj Ahmad Shadbakhti u vra në një përleshje të armatosur me forcat e sigurisë në Teheran. Jila la vajzën e tyre në Britani të Madhe për t’u rritur nga vëllai i saj Khosro Deyhim (aka Haji) në Neëcastle Upon Tyne ndërsa ajo shkoi të bashkohej me MEK në Irak.
Jila është kreu i Operacioneve të MEK-ut në Tiranë. Përveç faktit se dy oficerë të MEK-ut e sulmuan publikisht Mostafën në një rrugë në Tiranë, ajo organizoi për më shumë se 60 MEK që rrethonin Stacionin e Policisë 4 në Tiranë, ndërsa dy anëtarë të arrestuar të MEK-ut u pyetën nga policia. Më pas, JIla dërgoi 60 MEK për tu përhapur nëpër qytet për të ndjekur, frikësuar dhe rrahur ish-anëtarët e MEK. (Zyrtarët e policisë lokale, të përdorur për t’u marrë me krimet e zakonshme dhe kriminelët, u tronditën aq shumë nga sjellja e MEK-ut dhe ata i shkruan Ministrisë së Brendshme duke thënë se nuk janë të pajisur për t’u marrë me gjashtëdhjetë vetë sulmues vetëvrasës potencialë”.)
Historikisht, Jila shërbeu si komandante gjatë masakrave kurde, në Operacionin Morvarid (Pearl) në 1991, si dhe shumë operacione të tjera. Dëshmitarët kanë dhënë dëshmi të mëtejshme për torturimin dhe vrasjen e anëtarëve të pakënaqur në burgjet e MEK. Jila ‘u diplomua’ si një oficere e inteligjencës e trajnuar nën shërbimin e sigurisë së Sadam Huseinit. Përveç kësaj, ajo ndërmori trainim në terren, vozitje tank, luftë bazë dhe komandë SWAT.
Jila Deyhim në Irak dhe në Shqipëri
Homayoun Deyhim, që sulmoi Mostafa Mohammadin është vëllai i Jilas. Ai studioi Inxhinieri Elektrike në Universitetin e Neëcastle në Mbretërinë e Bashkuar vetëm para Revolucionit. Gjatë Revolucionit ai shkoi në Indi për të studiuar për një MSC. Në Indi punoi për MEK, por më vonë u rekrutua nga Jila për të shkuar në Irak.
Homayoun kurrë nuk ka arritur ndonjë gradë të rëndësishme, duke punuar kryesisht në departamentet teknike dhe të riparimit. Por ai është i famshëm brenda MEK-ut për të rënë dakord të bëjë diçka për t’u promovuar. Prandaj, në shumë raste ai ishte i përfshirë në rrahjen dhe poshtërimin e anëtarëve të tjerë në Kampin Ashraf. Homayoun ndërmori trajnimin bazë ushtarak dhe trajnimin e operacioneve të rojave republikane.
Në Stacionin Policor 4 në Tiranë, pas arrestimit të tij për sulm ndaj Mostafës, Jila e udhëzoi Homayoun të pohonte se Mostafa e kishte sulmuar atë. Ata nuk e dinin në atë kohë se kishte prova video nga skena që tregon se çfarë ndodhi në të vërtetë.
Homayoun Deyhim në Irak dhe Shqipëri
Behzad Saffari nga Isfahan shkoi në Mbretërinë e Bashkuar për të studiuar stomatologji. Ai u rekrutua nga MEK dhe u dërgua në Irak pasi Rajavi u transferua atje. Ai u plagos në operacion Dritën e Përjetshme (Forough Javidan) në vitin 1988 dhe u kthye në Londër për t’u rimarr para se të kthehej në Irak. Dëshmitarët pohojnë se Behzad ishte i përfshirë në rrahje në burgjet e MEK. Behzad mashtroi familjen e tij nga kursimet e tyre të jetës, të cilën ai i dha MEK duke pretenduar në mënyrë të rreme që të kishte lënë organizatën. Babai i tij i dërgoi paratë anëtarëve të familjes në Kanada, por ajo përfundoi në llogaritë e MEK në Britani të Madhe.
Behzad ishte i përfshirë në kontakt me UNHCR-në gjatë procesit të transferimit nga Iraku në Shqipëri. Anëtarët e mëparshëm tregojnë se si UNHCR-ja i dha çdo individi 100 dollarë për udhëtimin dhe pas mbërritjes së tyre. Kur anëtarët arritën në aeroportin e Tiranës, Behzad mori 100 $ nga secili prej tyre dhe u dha atyre njëqind Lek Shqiptar si monedhë vendase (rreth një dollar amerikan).
Behzad aktualisht është i përfshirë me ekipet që kërcënojnë ish-anëtarë dhe gazetarë në Tiranë. Behzad Saffari po bashkëpunon me avokatin e MEK dhe përgjigjet ndaj Jila Deyhim.
Behzad Saffari në Irak dhe Shqipëri
Ahmad Taba (aka Akbar), ishte student në UMIST (Manchester) në kohën e Revolucionit iranian në 1979. Ai u rekrutua nga MEK për të punuar në Londër dhe më pas u transferua në Irak, pasi Massoud Rajavi shkoi atje.
Ahmedi u trajnua si një pilot helikopteri nga Ushtria Irakiane. Ai u diplomua nga rojet republikane të Sadamit, ku përfshiheshin luftërat guerile dhe taktikat SWAT. Ai gjithashtu pbëri një kurs 9-mujor me Mukhabaratin e Sadamit, nga i cili u diplomua si oficer i inteligjencës. Ai vrau shumë civilë në sulmet kurde dhe ka dëshmitarë që e lidhin atë me torturimin e të burgosurve në Kampin Ashraf.
Ahmed Taba në Shqipëri dhe Irak
Somayeh Mohammadi vetë nuk ka lënë kampet e MEK në Irak apo Shqipëri për njëzet e një vjet. Ajo nuk ka asnjë ide se çfarë po ndodh në botën e jashtme. Është e pakuptueshme që një grua që pretendon se po ndjek lirisht një luftë politike për ndryshimin e dhunshëm të regjimit kundër Iranit, është e paaftë të takohet me prindërit e saj për t’iu treguar ballë për ballë vendimin e saj. Prindërit e saj, të cilët e njohin atë aq mirë, thonë se është e qartë se ajo ka frikë dhe nuk vepron lirshëm kur flet kundër tyre. I rrethuar nga personazhet e MEK-ut të mësipërm, është e qartë se ajo është nën kontroll dhe nuk është në gjendje të flasë ose të veprojë për vete në ndonjë mënyrë kuptimplotë. Kjo nuk është një mosmarrëveshje familjare, Somayeh është një peng.
Nën presionin e kontrollit shtrëngues, ekspertët lehtë mund të njohin në Somayeh një viktimë e cila, në duart e MEK, është detyruar në buzë të një shkëmbi mbi të cilin mund të shtyhet ose të bjerë. Nëse më vonë raportohet se ajo është zhdukur, ka kryer vetëvrasje, është mbytur në një rezervuar, nuk ka dyshim se qeveria shqiptare duhet të mbajë përgjegjësi. Ajo nuk mund të shpëtojë veten nga dëmtimi, por mundësia e dëmtimit të MEK-ut është shumë e lartë. Ajo është në rrezik të madh.
Shqipëria mund të jetë një shtet i dështuar, por nuk është një shtet bandit si Iraku i Sadamit. Është një shtet me pretendime për t’u bashkuar me Bashkimin Evropian. Qeveria mundet dhe duhet të mbajë përgjegjësi për çfarëdo që ndodh me Somayeh Mohammadi. Mënyra për të parandaluar një rezultat të tillë është ndarja e saj nga MEK.
Burimi: The Iranian/ Gazeta impakt
PARALAJMËRIMI NGA IRANI: POLICIA SHQIPTARE E PAAFTË, MUXHAHEDINËT TË TRAJNUAR NGA GARDA E SADDAMIT
Publikuar tek: AKTUALITET, më 20:11 08-08-2018
Prej disa ditësh në mediat shqiptare qarkullon historia e një gruaje muxhahedine me banim në Shqipëri, e cila refuzon të bashkohet me prindërit e mbërritur nga Kanadaja në Tiranë.
Somayeh i quan prindërit e saj “agjentë iranianë”, ndërsa i ka bërë disa herë thirrje publike shtetit shqiptar t’i vijë në ndihmë.
Nga ana tjetër, prindërit Mostafa dhe Mahboubeh Mohammadi thonë se vajza e tyre është pjesë e një kulti të rrezikshëm terroristësh, MEK apo Mojahedin-e Khalq.
Faqja “online” iranian.com tregon versionin tjetër të historisë dhe ngre alarmin për rrezikshmërinë që paraqesin muxhahedinët që strehohen në Shqipëri.
“Iranian” identifikon disa prej muxhahedinëve për të cilët thotë se janë trajnuar nga Garda e diktatorit Saddam Hussein me taktika lufte të avancuara. Në artikull thuhet se ata dhunojnë dhe intimidojnë muxhahedinët që braktisin kampin në Shqipëri.
“Në rast mosbindje apo revlotë”, policia shqiptare por edhe shërbimet inteligjente shqiptare “janë të paafta përballë këtij rreziku të madh që i kanoset”, shkruhen ndër të tjera në artikull.
Mojahedin Khalq, MEK, Rajavi cult in Iraq No more
اتمام قائله مجاهدین خلق، فرقه رجوی در عراق
The End of the Path – Teaser 1
پایان یک راه – تیزر اول
Mojahedin Khalq, MEK, Rajavi cult in Iraq No more
اتمام قائله مجاهدین خلق، فرقه رجوی در عراق
The End of the Path – Teaser ۲
پایان یک راه – تیزر دوم
Albania: MEK rebrands by assassinating unwanted members
Massoud and Anne Khodabandeh, Balkans Post, June 22 2018:… The mysterious disappearance of a member of the Mojahedin Khalq (MEK) terrorist group in Albania has once again drawn attention to this controversial group. Malek Sharaee, 47, originally from Khuzestan Province in Iran, was reportedly drowned in the Rrotull village irrigation water reservoir. After three days, divers have not found his body even though the …
Albania: MEK rebrands by assassinating unwanted members
Massoud Keshmiri: Killed Iran’s PM and President – last seen in Germany after escaping MEK
The mysterious disappearance of a member of the Mojahedin Khalq (MEK) terrorist group in Albania has once again drawn attention to this controversial group. Malek Sharaee, 47, originally from Khuzestan Province in Iran, was reportedly drowned in the Rrotull village irrigation water reservoir. After three days, divers have not found his body even though the water channel is only 3.5 meters deep. However, a MEK representative and three MEK witnesses say his clothes were found at the water’s edge. Police are now investigating this as a possible criminal offense. Even so, unless they gain access to Camp Ashraf Three, the MEK’s purpose-built training camp in Manez, they are unlikely to unearth the truth – MEK impunity is far greater than this small country can deal with or penetrate.
MEK (aka Saddam’s Private Army) was unknown in Albania until they arrived after 2013. Their bizarre behavior and controversial activitiessoon became the focus of media attention.
But the MEK’s dark history began long before this. Along with well-publicised military-style terrorist attacks on Iran since the 1980s, the MEK was also trained by Saddam Hussein’s Mukhaberat (Secret Services) and later by Israel’s MOSSAD, in intelligence gathering and secret operations. As a result, MEK has also conducted many covert terror acts and assassinations over the years. Several of these were deliberately staged to make it look like Iran was involved. Such as the 1994 bombing of the Jewish community center in Buenos Aires. In spite of extensive investigation, the primary evidence linking Iran came from four high ranking intelligence officers from MEK. In 2011, a man connected to Mexican drug dealers was arrested for the attempted murder of the Saudi Ambassadorto America. The US quickly accused Iran, but after two weeks the perpetrator was linked to MEK. In 2013, Israel arrested a Swedish Iranian man, Ali Mansouri, who ‘confessed’ to be spying for Iran in Tel Aviv. He turned out to be a MEK member.
The underlying pattern behind these events is of deception and callous, cynical murder. These examples are not unique. MEK has a long history of highly sophisticated and brutal undercover activity. However, the reported death of Malek Sharaee in Albania this week also points to a new phase in MEK covert activity. This time individual MEK members who were previously involved in known acts of violence are now themselves becoming victims of their own organization.
Internal assassinations are not new – Commander Ali Zarkesh was deliberately killedduring a military operation in 1988 because he had become critical of the leadership. There have been hundreds of reports of suspicious deaths and actual murders over the last three decades committed against critics and rivals.
In 2013, former MEK member Massoud Dalili was identified as the 53rd victim of a massacre at Camp Ashraf in Iraq. MEK only acknowledged his death when the Iraqi authorities formally identified him via his DNA. Dalili’s body had been deliberately disfigured (his face and hands burned) to hide his identity. Massoud Dalili had been one of the personal security personnel for leader Massoud Rajavi. He had undergone training with Saddam’s Republican Guards and the MEK’s own specialist training. Before coming to Iraq, Dalili had headed a small MEK team in Gilan Province where he was responsible for scores of deaths, including civilians.
Another victim killed during the same attack was Zohreh Ghaemi, She had commanded the assassination of General Sayad Shirazi in 1999. Of the other victims that day, at least ten are known to have participated in known acts of violence for MEK. No one claimed responsibility for the attack on Camp Ashraf.
In 2015, in the Netherlands, Mohamad Reza Kolahi was killed by a criminal gang on the order of MEK. Investigators confirmed that Kolahi was responsible for the 1981 bombing of the headquarters of the Islamic Republic Party in Tehran in which 72 high-ranking politicians and party members were killed.
Another MEK member, Massoud Keshmiri, responsible for the bombing which killed PM Bahonar and President Rajai in 1981, was last seen with MEK in Germany some years ago. He has since vanished and could be dead. Although these deaths cannot be said to be directly linked, there is a common thread whose purpose becomes clear when we remember 2016 when Prince Turki al-Faisal, former Saudi Intelligence chief, announced the death of MEK leader Massoud Rajavi. It is clear from this that MEK is being purged from top to bottom of all the individuals who have had involvement or are associated with its violent past – rebranding by assassination to make the group legally acceptable.